
Class 

Book L 

Copyright N°_ 



COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT. 



OUTLINES OF 

NINETEENTH CENTURY 
HISTORY 



BY 



PHILIP VAN NESS MYERS 

Author of "Mediaeval and Modern History" and 
"A General History" 



GINN & COMPANY 

EOSTON • NEW YORK • CHICAGO • LONDON 



IU6RARY of CONGRESS 
Two Conies Received 

AUG 8 1906 

Copyriffht Entry 

UfA- 7. '9CL> 

CLASS Ct XXc, No, 

COPY B„ 



Entered at Stationers' Hall 



Copyright, 1885, 1905, 1906 
By P. V. N. MYERS 



ALL RIGHTS RESERVED 



66.7 



qgfte gtfttnaum gtrtfg 

GINN & COMPANY • PRO- 
PRIETORS • BOSTON • U.S.A. 



PREFACE 

This little book comprises those chapters of my revised 
" Mediaeval and Modern History " which cover nineteenth cen- 
tury events after 1815. They are here bound separately at the 
request of teachers who desire to use them in this form. 

P. V. N. M. 
College Hill, Ohio 
April, 1906 



CONTENTS 

Page 

List of Illustrations v 

List of Maps v 

Chapter 

I. The Congress of Vienna and Metternich i 

II. France since the Second Restoration (J815-1906) .... 10 

III. England since the Battle of Waterloo (181 5-1906) .... 20 

1. Progress towards Democracy 21 

II. Extension of the Principle of Religious Equality ... 26 

in. England's Relations with Ireland 30 

IV. Spain and the Revolt of her American Colonies ..... 35 
V. The Liberation and Unification of Italy 40 

VI. The Making of the New German Empire . ....... 55 

VII. Austria-Hungary after 1866 7 2 

VIII. Russia since the French Revolution 76 

IX. European Expansion in the Nineteenth Century ..... 86 
I. Causes and General Phases of the Expansion Move- 
ment 86 

II. The Expansion of England 91 

ill. The Expansion of France . 100 

IV. The Expansion of Germany 102 

v. The Expansion of Russia 104 

vi. The Expansion of the United States 106 

vii. Check to European Expansion and Aggression in East- 
ern Asia io 7 

X. The World State "5 

Conclusion — The New Age: Industrial Democracy ... 122 

General Bibliography I2 7 

Index and Pronouncing Vocabulary 133 

iv 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 

Fig. Page 

i. Prince Metternich 6 

2. Napoleon III 14 

3. Queen Victoria as a Young Woman 20 

4. Lord Beaconsfield (Disraeli), " the Courtier Premier " .... 29 

5. William Ewart Gladstone 32 

6. Victor Emmanuel II 45 

7. Count Cavour 46 

8. Garibaldi 49 

9. Pope Pius X 5 2 

10. Prince Bismarck 61 

11. Proclamation of King William as Emperor of Germany at 

Versailles, January, 187 1 67 

12. Emperor William II 70 

13. The Parliament Building at Budapest 73 

14. The Congress of Berlin .• 81 

15. Henry M. Stanley 89 

16. The Imperial Regalia of Japan 108 

17. Field Marshal Oyama 112 

18. " The Christ of the Andes " 120 



LIST OF MAPS 

Page 

i. Europe after 181 5 2 

2. Italy in 1859 46 

3. Europe at the Present Time 68 

4. Distribution of Races in Austria-Hungary 74 

5. Southeastern Europe (1903) 82 

6. The Partition of Africa 90 

7. European Expansion 100 

8. The Far East no 



NINETEENTH CENTURY 
HISTORY 

CHAPTER I 
THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA AND METTERNICH 

i. Ideas bequeathed by the French Revolution to the Nine- 
teenth Century. — The social and political history of Europe 
since the overthrow of Napoleon is a continuation of the history 
of the great revolt which broke out in France in 1789. The 
dominant forces at work throughout this period have been the 
ideas or principles inherited from the French Revolution. 

There were three of these ideas, with which, as revolution- 
ary forces in history, the student becomes familiar in tracing 
the story of the Revolution and the Empire. The first was the 
idea or principle of equality. The Revolutionists proclaimed this 
doctrine with religious fervor. It was spread broadcast over 
Europe. The French army, as it has been tersely expressed, was 
" equality on the. march." The Code Napoleon embodied this 
principle of equality, and wherever it was set up — in the Nether- 
lands, in the West German states, in part of Poland, in Switzer- 
land, and in Italy — it exerted the same leveling influence that it 
had in France. As Christianity brought in equality before God, 
so did the Revolution bring in equality before Caesar. The one 
made all men equal in the religious realm, the other made all 
men equal in the civil realm. 

The second principle promulgated by the Revolution was that 
of popular sovereignty. According to this doctrine governments 
derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. The 



2 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

laws should be the expression of the will of all. The people either 
directly or through their representatives should have part in the 
government. All rulers and magistrates are the servants of the 
people and are responsible to them. 

The third principle that underlay the Revolution was that of 
nationality. This principle requires that the state shall coincide 
with the nation. It demands that every nation shall be free to 
choose its own form of government and to manage its own affairs 
in its own way. This idea worked itself out during the course 
of the Revolution. It was evoked in great measure by Napoleon's 
cynical disregard of national sentiment and his wanton violation 
of national rights. 

These principles or ideas, as we have said, were the precious 
political heritage which the nineteenth century received from, the 
Revolution. 1 They were full of vitality and energy. Their out- 
working, their embodiment in social institutions, in law, in gov- 
ernment, makes up a large part of the history of the more 
advanced nations of the world since the downfall of Napoleon. 

But these ideas, as we have intimated, have not had free course. 
Their embodiment in social institutions and in political forms 
has, in most of the European countries, been a process violent 
and revolutionary in character. This has resulted from these 
liberal principles coming into conflict with certain opposing 
conservative doctrines with which they have had to struggle for 
supremacy. And this brings us to the starting point of the 
history of the nineteenth century, — the celebrated Congress of 
Vienna. 

2. The Congress of Vienna (September, 1814-June, 18 15). — 
After the first abdication of Napoleon, in the year 181 4, the 
European sovereigns, either in person or by their representatives, 
met at Vienna to readjust the affairs of the Continent. As we 
shall hereafter, in connection with the history of the separate 



1 Of course these ideas were not novel doctrines promulgated now for the first 
time. All that is meant by calling them the ideas of the French Revolution is that 
by the Revolution they were invested with new authority and were given a new course 
in the world. 



THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA 3 

European countries, have occasion to say something respecting 
the relations of each to the Congress, we shall here say only a 
word regarding the spirit and temper of the assembly and the 
general character of its work. 

The Vienna commissioners seemed to have but one thought 
and aim, — to restore everything as nearly as possible to its con- 
dition before the Revolution. They had no care for the people ; 
the princes were their only concern. The principle of nationality 
was wholly ignored, while that of the sovereignty of the people 
was, by most of the plenipotentiaries, looked upon as a principle 
of disorder to be repressed in every possible way. 

The first principle adopted by the Congress was that of legiti- 
macy. According to this principle a throne is to be regarded like 
an ordinary piece of property. Long possession gives a good and 
indefeasible title. 

Under this rule all the new usurping families set up by Napo- 
leon were swept aside without ceremony, and the old exiled 
dynasties were restored. The most important of these restitutions, 
effected either by the direct action of the Congress or already 
consummated by events and confirmed by it, were those which 
brought back the banished Bourbon dynasties in France, Spain, 
and Naples. 2 

The question of legitimacy having been settled, the next ques- 
tion was how the territories recovered from Napoleon should be 
distributed among the dynasties recognized as legitimate. For 
most of the sovereigns this was the subject of chief interest. Rus- 
sia wanted the whole of Poland ; Prussia wanted the kingdom of 
Saxony ; Sweden wanted Norway ; Austria wanted territory in Italy. 

In making the distribution the Vienna map makers took no 
thought whatever of the rights and claims of race or nationality. 
The inhabitants of the countries available for division were 
apportioned among the different sovereigns exactly as a herd of 

2 The principle was applied only in the case of hereditary lay rulers. And even 
here an exception was made in the case of hundreds of petty German rulers whose 
territories Napoleon in his reorganization of Germany had given to the larger states. 
These princelets were not restored. 



4 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

cattle might be divided up and apportioned among different 
owners. The following territorial settlements were among the 
most important. 

The Belgian and Dutch provinces were united into a single 
state, which, unde; the name of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, 
was given to a prince of the House of Orange. The idea here 
was to create on this side of France as strong a barrier as pos- 
sible against French aggression in the future. The fact that the 
Dutch and the Belgians, by reason of differences in race, in reli- 
gion, and in industrial development, really formed two distinct 
nations was wholly ignored. 

Sweden was confirmed in the possession of Norway, 3 which 
Denmark lost as a consequence of her alliance with Napoleon. 

Russia was allowed to retain Finland and Bessarabia, and was 
given the greater part of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw. The 
Polish lands acquired by Russia were made into what was called 
the Kingdom of Poland, with the Tsar as its king. The Poles 
were informed that they must give up all thought and hope of 
the restoration of their national independence. 

Prussia was given about half of the kingdom of Saxony, exten- 
sive territories on both sides of the Rhine, and other lands, which 
gave her a more preponderant position in Germany than she had 
before the Revolution. 

Austria, in compensation for the loss of her Netherland prov- 
inces, was given, besides a long strip of the eastern shore lands 
of the Adriatic Sea, Lombardy and Venetia in Upper Italy. This 
extension of Austrian rule over Italian lands was one of the gross- 
est violations of the principles of nationality of which the Con- 
gress was guilty, and was to be signally avenged when the hour 
for Italian unity and independence arrived. 

In Germany the Congress built upon the basis laid by Napo- 
leon. Thirty-nine of the forty-two sovereign states, including 

3 The two countries were to form a dual monarchy, each having its own Parlia- 
ment, or Diet, but united under a single crown. This arrangement subsisted until 
A 5- iSoS, when Norway declared the union dissolved, and, choosing Prince Charles of 
Denmark as king, became an independent kingdom. 



THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA 5 

Prussia and Austria, to which he had reduced the hundreds of 
states constituting the old Germanic system, were organized into 
a confederation modeled upon the Confederation of the Rhine. 4 

In Italy, on the other hand, Napoleon's work was undone and 
the old order of things was reestablished. With the exception of 
the provinces in the north, which had been given to Austria, the 
peninsula was divided into independent states, such as had existed 
before the Revolution. 

A third matter which particularly occupied the attention of the 
committee on German affairs was the granting of constitutions 
to their subjects by the different sovereigns. In spirit and in 
temper the restored rulers were for the most part the old pre- 
revolutionary despots come to their own again, but thoroughly 
frightened by what -had happened. Their desire was to rule in 
the old arbitrary way ; but there were those among them who 
recognized that a change had come over the world, and that the 
old absolutism could not with safety be reestablished. The Tsar 
Alexander seemed to entertain some genuine liberal ideas. 

Consequently constitutions were talked about. Louis XVIII 
had been required by the terms of the treaties of Paris to give 
France a constitution, the allies understanding perfectly that if 
the restored Bourbons should attempt to rule as absolute sover- 
eigns there would be trouble again which would unsettle every- 
thing in Europe. And now the Congress recommended to the 
German princes that representative bodies (Assemblies of Estates) 
be established in each state. But the only states, besides France, 
which at this time actually received constitutions were the Nether- 
lands, Switzerland, Poland, and Norway. 

And even where constitutions already existed or were now 
granted, these charters gave the people very little share in the 
government. They were constitutions of the aristocratic type, 
that is, they placed the government, where its form was monar- 
chical, in the hands of the sovereign and a very small body of 
vpters. Practically the old regime of absolutism was almost every- 
where reestablished. 

4 For further details concerning the reorganization of Germany, see sec. 58. 



NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 



But the Revolution had impaired beyond restoration reverence 
for the divine right of kings. An attempt to restore autocratic 
government in Europe was an attempt to restore an outgrown 
cult, — to set up again the fallen Dagon in his place. Notwith- 
standing, the commissioners at Vienna, blind to the spirit and 
tendencies of the times, did set up once more the broken idol, 
— only, however, to see it flung down again by the memorable 
political upheavals of the next half century. The kings had had 

their Congress ; the people were 
to have theirs, — in 1820 and '30, 
and '48. 

3. Prince Metternich, the Incar- 
nation of the Spirit of the Resto- 
ration. — The spirit of the monar- 
chical restoration of 1 8 1 5 , the spirit 
which controlled the Congress of 
Vienna, was incarnate in the cele- 
brated Austrian minister, Prince 
Metternich. 

Metternich hated the Revolu- 
tion, which to him was the spirit 
of evil let loose in the world. 
The democratic spirit he declared 
to be the spirit of disorder which 
could not fail "to change daylight into darkest night." The 
demand of the people for a share in government he regarded 
as presumptuous, and was wholly convinced that any concession 
to their demands could result in nothing save horrible confusion 
and bloodshed. 

Metternich's system, therefore, was a system of repression. His 
maxim was, Let nothing be changed. A diplomatist of wonderful 
astuteness, of wide experience, and possessed of an intimate 
knowledge of the public affairs of all Europe, Metternich ex- 
erted a vast influence upon the history of the years from 18 15 
to 1848. This period might appropriately be called the Age of 
Metternich. It was due largely to the Prince that during this 




Fig. 1. — Prince Metternich. 
(From a painting by Sir 

Thomas Lawrence) 



METTERNICH AND THE HOLY ALLIANCE 7 

period the old autocratic form of government prevailed so gen- 
erally in Europe. 

4. Metternich and the Holy Alliance. — The activity of Met- 
ternich during the earlier portion of the period of his ascendancy 
was so closely connected with a celebrated lea"gue known as the 
Holy Alliance that we must here say a word respecting the origin 
of this association. 

The Holy Alliance was a religious league formed just after the 
fall of Napoleon by the Tsar Alexander and having as its chief 
members Russia, Austria, and Prussia. The ostensible object of 
the league was the maintenance of religion, peace, and order in 
Europe and the reduction to practice in politics of the maxims 
of Christ. The several sovereigns entering into the union prom- 
ised to be fathers to their people, to rule in love and with refer- 
ence solely to the promotion of the welfare of their subjects. 

All this had a very millennial look. But the Holy Alliance 
very soon became practically a league for the maintenance of 
absolute principles of government, in opposition to the liberal 
tendencies of the age. Under the pretext of maintaining reli- 
gion, justice, and order, the sovereigns of the union acted in 
concert to suppress every aspiration for political liberty among 
their subjects. 

5. Other Nineteenth Century Principles, Movements, and Inter- 
ests. — Lest the foregoing paragraphs should create in the mind 
of the reader a wrong impression of nineteenth century history, 
we must here remind him that no single formula will suffice to 
sum up the history of any age. History is ever very complex, 
for many ideas and many forces are always simultaneously at 
work shaping and coloring events. 

The history of the nineteenth century presents a special com- 
plexity. While the great ideas transmitted to the age as a bequest 
from the Revolution were forces that gave the age its chief fea- 
tures, still throughout the century various other ideas, principles, 
and interests manifested themselves and contributed greatly to 
fill particularly the later years of the period with a vast com- 
plexity of movements, — intellectual, political, and industrial. 



8 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

The spirit of the Renaissance was in the society of the period 
a pervasive and powerful influence. Throughout the century 
intelligence was becoming more diffused, and modern science, 
the special product of the Revival of Learning, was constantly 
revealing fresh wonders and arming man with new instruments 
of research and of mastery over nature. 

The true spirit of the Reformation, too, was at work. As the 
century advanced, creeds grew more liberal, and the beneficent 
sentiment of toleration in religion, which has been declared to be 
" the best fruit of the last four centuries," 5 made rapid progress 
in the world. 

Furthermore, the century was marked by a wonderful expan- 
sion movement of the European peoples, a movement which has 
given the world into the possession of the new and higher civili- 
zation created by the revolutions of the last three centuries in the 
home land of Europe. To this significant movement we shall devote 
a separate chapter under the heading "The Expansion of Europe." 

Lastly, the nineteenth century witnessed an unparalleled indus- 
trial development, resulting from fortunate mechanical inventions 
and a great variety of other causes. To the phenomena of this 
new movement we shall be able to devote only a few closing para- 
graphs. In these we shall attempt nothing more than merely to 
indicate the relation of this industrial revolution to the general 
development of human society. 

Selections from the Sources. — Memoirs of Prince Metternich (trans, 
by Mrs. Alexander Napier), vol. ii, pp. 553-599, and vols, iii-v. These 
volumes cover the years from 181 5 to 1829. They are of the first impor- 
tance for this period. In them the spirit of the Restoration is incarnated. 
Ford, Life and Letters of Madame Krildener. This work lights up a 
remarkable passage in the life of the Russian Emperor Alexander I, and 
reveals the genesis of the Holy Alliance. Translations and Reprints, vol. i, 
No. 3, "The Restoration and the European Policy of Metternich" (ed. 
by James Harvey Robinson). 

Secondary Works. — Among the great number of works on nineteenth 
century history the following are among the best of those in English which 

5 The inscription written by President Charles W. Eliot for the Water Gate of 
the World's Columbian Exposition at Chicago in 1893. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 9 

present in brief survey the whole or some considerable part of the history 
of the period : Fyffe, A History of Modern Etirope, 17Q2-1878 ; Phillips, 
Modern Europe, i8i$-i8gg ; Andrews, The Historical Development of 
Modern Europe ; Seignobos, A Political History of Europe since 1814; 
Whitcomb, A History of Modern Europe; Robinson, An Introduction 
to the History of Western Europe ; Muller, Political History of Recent 
Times ; and Judson, Europe in the Nineteenth Century. 

Biographies and works dealing with some particular subject or some 
limited portion of the nineteenth century : Stephens, Revolutionary Europe, 
1789-1815, " Introduction," for suggestive paragraphs on the principles 
which have molded nineteenth century history, and chap, xi, for the Con- 
gress of Vienna; Malleson, Life of Prince Melternich ; Lowell, Govern- 
ments and Parties in Continental Europe ; and Lodge, A History of 
Modern Europe, chaps, xxv-xxviii. 

Topics for Class Reports. — 1. Talleyrand at the Congress of Vienna. 
2. Prince Metternich and his system. 3. Madame Krudener and the Tsar 
Alexander I. 



CHAPTER II 
FRANCE SINCE THE SECOND RESTORATION (1815-1906) 

6. Character of the Period. — The social and political history 
of France since the second restoration of the Bourbons may be 
characterized briefly. It has been simply a continuation of the 
Revolution, 1 — of the struggle between democratic and monarchi- 
cal principles. The aim of the Revolution was to abolish privi- 
leges and establish rights, — to give every man lot and part in the 
government under which he lives. These liberal ideas and prin- 
ciples have on the whole, notwithstanding repeated reverses, 
gained ground ; for revolutions never move backward. There 
may be eddies and countercurrents in a river, but the steady and 
powerful sweep of the stream is ever onward towards the sea. 
Not otherwise is it with the great social and intellectual move- 
ments of history. 

7. The Reign of Louis XVIII (i8i5[i4]-i824). — • " Your 
king, whose fathers reigned over your fathers for more than eight 
centuries, now returns to devote the rest of his days to defend 
and to comfort you." 

Such were the words used by Louis upon his second return to 
his people after Waterloo. The events of the Hundred Days had 
instructed and humbled him : "I may have made mistakes," he 
said frankly, "and probably have done so." 

Profiting by his experience, Louis ruled throughout a great 
part of the remainder of his reign with reasonable heed to the 
changes effected by the Revolution. But as he grew old and in- 
firm he yielded more and more to the extreme Royalist party, which 

1 Each of the revolutions of the period may be characterized as Metternich char- 
acterized the Revolution of 1830, namely, " as nothing else than a recurrence of the 
Revolution of 1789." 

10 



THE REIGN OF CHARLES X II 

was again raising its head, and the government entered upon a 
course looking to the restoration of the old order of things. 

8. The Reign of Charles X (i 824-1830); the Revolution of 
1830. — Upon the death of Louis in 1824 and the accession of 
Charles X, this reactionary policy soon became more pronounced. 
The new king seemed utterly incapable of profiting by the teach- 
ings of the past. It was particularly his blind, stubborn course that 
gave point to the saying, "A Bourbon learns nothing and forgets 
nothing." 

It is not necessary for our purpose that we rehearse in detail 
what Charles did or what he failed to do. His aim was to undo 
the work of the Revolution, just as it was the aim of James II in 
England to undo the work of the Puritan Revolution. He dis- 
regarded the constitution, restored the clergy to power, reestab- 
lished a strict censorship of the press, and changed the laws by 
royal proclamation. He seemed bent on restoring divine-right 
monarchy in France. He declared that he would rather saw 
wood for a living than rule after the fashion of the English kings. 

The outcome of Charles' course might have been foreseen : 
Paris rose in revolt ; the streets were blocked with barricades ; 
Charles was escorted to the seacoast, whence he took ship for 
England. 

France did not at this time think of a republic. She was in- 
clined to try further the experiment of a constitutional monarchy. 
Louis Philippe, Duke of Orleans, who represented the younger 
branch of the Bourbon family, was placed on the throne and the 
constitution was revised. In the charter which Louis XVIII had 
granted he had styled himself " King of France by the grace 
of God." The new constitution declared Louis Philippe to be 
" King of the French by the grace of God and by the will of 
the nation." The first principle of the Revolution — the sover- 
eignty of the people — was thus embodied in the fundamental 
law of France. 

Louis Philippe had traveled about the world considerably and 
had lived in a democratic sort of way. He had looked on compla- 
cently at the taking of the Bastille, had been in America, and 



12 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

had taught school in Switzerland. The middle classes therefore 
with some reason looked upon him as one of themselves, and gave 
him the title of "Citizen King." 

9. Effect upon Europe of the " July Revolution" of 1830; 
Origin of the Kingdom of Belgium. — France has been called the 
Enceladus of Europe. There is sufficient instruction in the sug- 
gested parable to make it worth our while to recall the myth to 
memory. As fable has it, Enceladus was one of the giants who 
made war upon Olympian Jove. In the rout of the giants, Minerva, 
helping Jove, disabled Enceladus by throwing ^Etna on top of 
him and pinning him forever to the earth. The stability of things 
in Sicily was thereby endangered, for as often as the giant turned 
his weary sides the whole island was convulsed. 

France, having made war upon the Olympian hierarchy of divine- 
right kings, is by them worsted in battle and then pinned to the 
earth with the weight of Bourbonism. As often as the giant turns 
his weary sides there is an eruption, and the whole continent, like 
Trinacria of old, trembles to its remotest verge. 

The convulsion in Paris shook all the restored thrones, and 
for a moment threatened to topple into ruins the whole fabric of 
absolutism that had been so carefully upreared by Metternich and 
the other political restorationists of the Congress of Vienna. 

In the Netherlands the artificial order established in 1815 
(sec. 2) was wholly destroyed. The Belgians arose, declared 
themselves independent of Holland, adopted a liberal constitu- 
tion, and elected Leopold of Saxe-Coburg as their king (1831). 
Thus came into existence the separate kingdom of Belgium. The 
independence and neutrality of the little state was guaranteed 
by all the great powers. 

10. The Revolution of 1848 and the Establishment of the Second 
Republic. — The reign of Louis Philippe up to 1848 was very 
unquiet, yet was not marked by any disturbance of great impor- 
tance. But during all this time the ideas of the Revolution were 
working among the people, and the democratic party was con- 
stantly gaining in strength. Finally there came a demand for 
the extension of the suffrage. At this time there were only about 



ESTABLISHMENT OF THE SECOND REPUBLIC 13 

two hundred thousand voters in France, the possession of a certain 
amount of property being required as a qualification for the fran- 
chise. The government steadily refused all electoral reforms. 
Guizot, the king's chief minister, declared that "this world is 
no place for universal suffrage." 

Enceladus at last turned his weary sides. There was a convul- 
sion like that of 1830. The center of this disturbance of course 
was Paris. Louis Philippe, thoroughly frightened by the prodigy, 
fled to England. After his departure the Paris mob dragged the 
throne out of the Tuileries and made a bonfire of it. 

The Second Republic was now established, with the poet-his- 
torian Lamartine as its provisional Minister of Foreign Affairs. 
A new constitution, some features of which were copied from the 
Constitution of the United States, established universal suffrage. 2 
The number of voters was at a stroke increased from a quarter of 
a million to upwards of eight millions. An election being ordered, 
Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, 3 a nephew of the great Napoleon, was 
chosen President of the new Republic (Dec. 10, 1848). 

The Paris " February Revolution," as it is called, lighted the 
beacon fires of liberty throughout Europe. 4 " It is scarcely an 
exaggeration to say that, during the month of March, 1848, not 
a single day passed without a constitution being granted some- 
where." France had made another of her irresistible invasions 
of the states of Europe, — " an invasion of ideas." 

2 There was a socialistic element in this Revolution of 1848. It was inaugurated 
by the working classes of Paris. One of the demands of the socialists was that the 
government should find work for the unemployed. National workshops were estab- 
lished by the provisional government, but the experiment was unsuccessful and the 
shops were soon closed. 

3 This man had already played a singular role. In 1836 he had appeared suddenly 
at Strasburg, thinking to raise the French garrison there against the government. He 
was arrested and banished to America. Again in 1840 the adventurer, taking advan- 
tage of the revival of popular interest in the first Napoleon caused by the bringing of 
his ashes from St. Helena to France, made a somewhat similar attempt at revolution 
at Boulogne. He was arrested a second time and condemned to imprisonment for 
life in the fortress of Ham in Picardy. After about five years' confinement he escaped 
and found his way to England. 

l ' 4 The revolution in Paris was not so much the cause as merely the signal for revo- 
lutions elsewhere. It imparted fresh energy to revolutionary forces which were ready 
to break forth or which had already found vent in violent explosions. 



H 



NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 



n. The Second Empire (1852-1870). — The life of the Sec- 
ond Republic spanned only three years. By almost exactly the 
same steps as those by which his uncle had mounted the imperial 
throne, Louis Napoleon now also ascended to the imperial dignity, 
crushing the Republic as he rose. 

A contest having arisen between the President and the National 
Assembly, the President planned a coup d'etat. He caused the 
arrest at night of the most prominent of the deputies opposed to 
him in the Assembly and such popular leaders in Paris as might 

incite the people to resistance. 
When the inhabitants of the cap- 
ital awoke in the morning (Dec. 2, 
1 851) they found the city pla- 
carded with proclamations an- 
nouncing the dissolution of the 
Assembly and outlining the main 
articles of a new constitution, 
which was to be at once submitted 
to the people for approval. 

The President's appeal to the 
people to indorse what he had done 
met with a most extraordinary re- 
sponse. By a majority of almost 
seven million votes 5 the nation 
approved the President's coup 
d'etat and rewarded him for it by 
extending his term of office to ten years. This was in effect the 
revival of the Consulate of 1799. The next year Louis Napoleon 
was made Emperor, and took the title of Napoleon III (1852). 

The secret of Louis Napoleon's success in his coup d'etat was 
in part the fear that prevailed of the renewal of the Terror of 1 793, 
and in part the magic power of the name he bore. At just this 
time the name Napoleon was in France a name to conjure with. 
There had been growing up a Napoleonic legend. Time had 
idealized the founder of the First Empire. 

5 The exact vote was 7,481,216 to 684,419. 




Fig. 2.- — Napoleon III 

(After a portrait by F. Winter- 

halter) 



THE SECOND EMPIRE l5 

As the Second and the Third Republic were simply revivals 
and continuations of the First Republic, so was the Second Em- 
pire merely the revival and continuation of the First Empire. It 
was virtually the same in origin, in spirit, and in policy. 

Louis Napoleon had declared that the Empire meant peace. 
But it meant anything except that. The pages of its history are 
filled with the records of wars. There were three important ones 
in which the armies of the Empire took part, — the Crimean War 
(1853-185 6), the Austro-Sardinian War (1859), and the Franco- 
Prussian War (1870-187 1 ). 

The first two of these wars need not detain us at this time, 
since we shall speak of them later in connection with Russian and 
Italian affairs. 6 All that need be said here is that in each of them 
Louis Napoleon greatly enhanced his prestige throughout Europe. 

The real cause of the third war, the one between Prussia and 
France, was French jealousy of the growing power of Prussia, 
around which as the preponderant German state the unification 
of Germany was fast proceeding. 

Louis Napoleon, now aging and broken in health, was himself 
averse to the war. But he was forced into it by the mad clamor 
of Paris and the vehemence of the war party throughout the 
country. Even the Empress Eugenie was eager for war, since 
she believed that thereby the Empire would be strengthened in 
the affections of the French people and the succession of her son 
to the imperial throne assured. 

With everything in a state of culpable and incredible unreadi- 
ness, although the highest military authority had declared that 
the army was ready and more than ready, France, " with a light 
heart," plunged into the fateful war. " Down with Prussia ! On 
to Berlin ! " was the cry. 

There came a quick and terrible disillusionment. A single 
small column of French soldiers was barely able to set foot for a 
moment on German soil, — just long enough to enable the Prince 
Imperial to receive there his " baptism of fire." In a few days 
after the French declaration of war the great German hosts had 

6 See sees. 5 1 and 79. 



16 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

been gathered. Three immense armies, numbering half a million 
of men, all animated by the spirit of 1813, swept over the 
frontier. One large French army was defeated in the memorable 
battle of Gravelotte (Aug. 18, 1870) and shut up in Metz. Then 
followed the surrender at Sedan, where eighty-three thousand 
men, including the Emperor himself, gave themselves up as pris- 
oners of war 7 (Sept. 2, 1870). 

The German columns now advanced to Paris and began the 
investment of the city (Sept. 19, 1870). All reasonable hope of 
a successful defense of the capital was soon destroyed by the sur- 
render to the Germans of Marshal Bazaine at Metz (Oct. 23, 
1870). One hundred and seventy- three thousand soldiers and 
six thousand officers became prisoners of war, — the largest army 
ever taken captive. 

But Paris held out stubbornly, with great suffering from cold 
and hunger, three months longer ; and then, all outside measures 
for raising the siege having failed, capitulated (Jan. 30, 187 1). 

Outside of Paris, at Bordeaux, was a sort of provisional govern- 
ment headed by M. Thiers, which had been organized after the 
capture of the Emperor. With this body the conquerors carried 
on their negotiations for peace. The terms of the treaty were 
that France should surrender to Germany the Rhenish province 
of Alsace and one half of Lorraine, pay an indemnity of five 
thousand million francs (about $1,000,000,000), and consent to 
the occupation of certain portions of French territory until the 
fine was paid. Never before was such a ransom paid by a nation. 

The most lamentable part of the struggle now began. The 
Red Republicans, or Communists, of Paris, 8 rising in insurrection 
against the provisional government both because of what it repre- 
sented — the cause and programme of the conservative, property- 
holding classes — and because of its action in assenting to the 
dismemberment of France, organized a Committee of Public 

7 After the war Louis Napoleon found an asylum in England (at Chiselhurst), 
where he died Jan. 9, 1873. 

8 The strength of this party lay in the workingmen of Paris. It was the heir of 
the extreme Republican party of 1848 (sec. 10, n. 2) and in a sense the precursor 
of the socialist party found to-day in almost every country. 



THE THIRD REPUBLIC 17 

Safety in imitation of that of 1793, and called the population of 
the capital to arms. The government finally succeeded in sup- 
pressing the insurgents, and order was restored, though only after 
the destruction by fire of many public buildings, and frightful 
slaughters in the streets and squares of the city. 

12. The Third Republic (1870- ). — The provisional gov- 
ernment which replaced the Empire was republican in form. 
M. Thiers, the historian, was the first President (1871-1873). 
But not until 1875 was it definitely decided that France should 
be a republic and not a monarchy or an empire. In that year a 
constitution 9 was adopted, the tenth since 1791, which provided 
definitely for a republican form of government. 

France has now (1906) been under the government of the 
Third Republic for thirty-six years, a longer period of freedom 
from revolution than any other since 1792. The current of polit- 
ical events, however, has during this time run somewhat turbu- 
lently. There have been many changes of presidents 10 and of 
ministries, and much party rancor has been displayed ; yet in 
spite of all untoward circumstances the cause of the Republic has 
steadily advanced, while that of the Monarchy and that of the 
Empire have as steadily gone backward. Bourbons and Bona- 
partes, like Stuarts, have gone into an exile from which there is 
no return. 

Many of the difficulties and problems which have confronted 
the Republic were legacies to it from the Monarchy and the 
Empire, or more directly from the Franco-Prussian War. 

An unfortunate heritage from the war that destroyed the Em- 
pire is the Alsace and Lorraine question. The French people have 

9 This constitution is not, like our own, a single document, but consists of a series 
of laws passed at different times. As it now (1906) stands it provides for a legis- 
lature of two chambers, a Senate and a Chamber of Deputies, a President elected 
for seven years by the chambers in a joint meeting, and a Cabinet responsible to the 
legislature. The suffrage is universal. 

10 These are the presidents of the Republic since the resignation of Thiers in 
1873: Marshal MacMahon (resigned), 1873-1879; M. Grevy (resigned), 1879-1887 ; 
MrCarnot (assassinated), 1887-1894; M. Casimir-Perier (resigned), 1 894-1895 ; M. 
Felix Faure (died in office), 1895-1899; M. Loubet, 1899-1906; and M. Clement 
Armand Fallieres, 1906- 



18 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

never been able to reconcile themselves to the loss of these prov- 
inces, and their determination to regain them has contributed 
largely to convert France, and the whole Continent as well, into 
a permanent armed camp, and to make times of peace almost as 
burdensome to the nations as times of war. 

A second legacy to the Republic was influential parties of Mon- 
archists and Imperialists, who have endeavored in every way to 
discredit the republican regime, and who have watched for an 
opportunity to set up again either the Monarchy or the Empire. 
The dangerous intrigues of these parties led in 1886 to the expul- 
sion from France of all the Bourbon and Bonaparte claimants of 
the throne and their direct heirs. 

A third bequest to the Republic from the ancient regime was the 
educational problem. Before the Revolution, education in France 
was mainly in the hands of the religious orders. The Revolution 
swept away these bodies and secularized the educational system. 

The restoration of the Monarchy brought about also the res- 
toration of the religious orders. The system of education was 
now mixed, being in part lay and in part clerical. Two wholly 
different spirits were at work in it, — the spirit of the ancient, 
and the spirit of the modern, regime. Among the Liberals a 
strong section demanded the suppression of the clerical schools 
and the complete secularization of education. 

The first of the religious associations to suffer was the Society 
of Jesus. In 1880 the convents and schools of the Jesuits were 
closed and the society was expelled from France. In 1903 fifty- 
four religious orders of men, embracing teaching, preaching, and 
commercial associations, were suppressed. Over two thousand 
convents were closed. The wisdom as well as the justice of this 
censorship of teaching may well be questioned. 

The Republic has also had troubles which can in no sense 
be regarded as an inheritance from the ancient regime. During 
the years 1889-189 2 all France was shaken by a great scandal 
arising from the gross mismanagement and failure of a company 
organized by Ferdinand de Lesseps, who had won great fame by 
the successful construction of the Suez Canal, for the digging of a 



. BIBLIOGRAPHY 19 

similar canal at the Isthmus of Panama. After the expenditure of 
upwards of $260,000,000, with the work in a very unsatisfactory 
condition, the company became bankrupt. It then developed that 
bribery and corruption on a scale as gigantic as the undertaking 
itself had been resorted to by the promoters of the enterprise. 
Prosecutions followed. Among those condemned to severe punish- 
ment was Ferdinand de Lesseps himself. He was already dying 
from age and worry when this final blow fell upon him. It was a 
pathetic ending of a career which, aside from this last deplorable 
incident, is one of the most illustrious in modern French history. 
As to the part which France has taken in recent colonial enter- 
prises, particularly in the opening up to civilization of the con- 
tinent of Africa, we shall find it more convenient to speak in 
another connection (Chapter IX). 

Selections from the Sources. — Forbes, My Experience of the War 
between France and Germany. BiNGrfAM, Journal of the Siege of Paris ; 
a graphic account of the siege by an Englishman who remained in Paris 
in order " to observe the conduct of the citizens." For material for a 
systematic study of the period, the special student should turn to Ander- 
son, Constitutions and Other Select Documents. 

Secondary Works. — In most of the works cited for the preceding 
chapter will be found chapters and sections dealing with French affairs 
during the period under review. To these authorities add the following : 
Martin, A Popular History of France, vols, ii (last part) and hi; Hano- 
taux, Contemporary France ; Bodley, France (a study of political insti- 
tutions) ; Dickinson, Revolution and Reaction in Modern France; Cou- 
bertin, The Evolution of France under the Third Republic ; and Lebon 
and Pelet, France as It Is. 

For the Second Empire : Jerrold, The life of Napoleon III, and 
Forbes, The Life of Napoleon the Third. 

For brief summaries of the events of the period : Lebon, Modern 
France, chaps, viii-xvi ; Duruy, A History of France; Adams, The 
Growth of the French Nation, chap, xviii ; and Hassall, The French 
People, chaps, xviii-xxi and xxiii. 

Topics for Class Reports. — 1. Louis Napoleon before 1848. 2. The 
Paris Commune of 187 1. 3. Alfred Dreyfus. 4. Ferdinand de Lesseps 
and the Panama Canal. 5. France and the Vatican, or the annulment in 
1905 of the Concordat of 1801 and the separation of State and Church in 
France. 




Fig. 3. — Queen Victoria as a Young Woman 
(After a painting by Patridge) 



CHAPTER III 



ENGLAND SINCE THE BATTLE OF WATERLOO (1815-1906) m 

13. The Four Chief Matters. — English history during the nine- 
teenth century embraces a multitude of events. A short chapter 
covering the entire period will possess no instructive value unless 
it reduces the heterogeneous mass of facts to some sort of unity 
by placing events in relation with their causes, and thus shows 
how they are connected with a few broad national movements 
or tendencies. 

Studying the period in this way, we shall find that very many 
of its leading events may be summed up under the four follow- 
ing heads: (1) progress towards democracy; (2) extension of 
the principle of religious equality ; (3) England's relations with 
Ireland ; and (4) the growth of the British colonial empire. 

We shall attempt nothing more in the present chapter than to 
indicate the most prominent matters that should claim the stu- 
dent's attention along the first three lines of inquiry, reserving 
for later sections the consideration of England's colonial affairs. 

20 



REFORM VERSUS REVOLUTION 21 

I. Progress towards Democracy 

14. Introductory. — The English Revolution of 1688 trans- 
ferred authority from the king to the Parliament. The elective 
branch of that body, however, rested upon a very narrow elect- 
oral basis. Out of upwards of five million Englishmen who should 
have had a voice in the government, less than two hundred thou- 
sand were voters, and these were chiefly of the rich upper classes. 
The political democratizing of England during the nineteenth 
century consists in the widening of the electorate, — in the giving 
to every intelligent and honest man a right to vote, to participate 
in the government under which he lives. 

15. Effects of the French Revolution upon Liberalism in Eng- 
land ; Reform versus Revolution. — The French Revolution at 
first gave a fresh impulse to liberal tendencies. The English 
Liberals watched the course of the French Republicans with the 
deepest interest and sympathy. The young writers, Coleridge, 
Wordsworth, and Southey, were all infected with democratic sen- 
timents and inspired with a generous enthusiasm for political 
liberty and equality. But the wild excesses of the French levelers 
terrified the English Liberals. There was a sudden revulsion of 
feeling. Liberal sentiments were denounced as dangerous and 
revolutionary. 

But England's rapid growth in wealth after the close of the 
Napoleonic wars, together with the growing enlightenment of 
the people, led to a widespread desire for political reform. The 
terrors of the French Revolution were forgotten. Liberal senti- 
ments began to spread among the masses. The people very justly 
complained that, while the English government claimed to be a 
government of the people, they had no part in it. 

Now it is instructive to note the different ways in which 
Liberalism was dealt with by the English government and by 
the rulers on the Continent. In the Continental countries the 
rising spirit of democracy was met by cruel and despotic repres- 
sions. The people were denied by their rulers all participation 
in the affairs of government. We have seen the result of this 



22 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

policy in France, and later shall see the outcome of it in other 
Continental countries. Liberalism triumphed indeed at last, but 
triumphed only through revolution. 

In England the government did not resist the popular demands 
to the point of revolution. It made timely concessions to the 
growing spirit of democracy. Hence here, instead of a series of 
revolutions, we have a series of reform measures which, gradually 
popularizing the House of Commons, at last rendered the English 
nation, not alone in name but in reality, a self-governing people. 

16. The Reform Bill of 1832. — The first Parliamentary step 
in reform was taken in 1832. To understand this important act 
a glance backward becomes necessary. 

When, in 1265, the Commons were first admitted to Parlia- 
ment, members were called only from those cities and boroughs 
whose wealth and population fairly entitled them to representa- 
tion. In the course of time some of these places dwindled in 
population and new towns sprang up ; yet the decayed boroughs 
retained their ancient privilege of sending members to Parlia- 
ment, while the new towns were left entirely without represen- 
tation. Thus Old Sarum, an ancient town now utterly decayed 
and without a single inhabitant, was represented in the Commons 
by two members. Furthermore, the sovereign, for the purpose 
of gaining influence in the Commons, had, from time to time, 
given unimportant places the right of returning members to the 
Lower House. It was inevitable that elections in these small or 
" pocket boroughs," as they were called, should almost always 
be determined by the corrupt influence of the crown or of the 
great landowners. The Lower House of Parliament was thus 
filled with the nominees of the king, or with persons who had 
bought their seats, often with little effort at concealment. At 
the same time, such large, recently grown manufacturing towns 
as Birmingham, Leeds, and Manchester had no representation at 
all in the Commons. 

Agitation was begun for the reform of this corrupt and farcical 
system of representation. The movement was greatly aided and 
given a more popular character than any earlier reform agitation 



THE REFORM BILL OF 1832 23 

by the great newspapers which had come into existence during 
the latter part of the eighteenth century. The contest between 
Whigs and Tories, or Liberals and Conservatives, was long and 
bitter, the Conservatives opposing all reform and denying that 
there was any necessity for it. The excited state of the public 
feeling may be inferred from the following description by Lord 
Macaulay of the scene in the House of Commons upon the pas- 
sage in that chamber of the first Reform Bill (183 1) : " Such a 
scene as the division of last Tuesday," he says, " I never saw, 
and never expect to see again. ... It was like seeing Caesar 
stabbed in the Senate-house, or seeing Oliver taking the mace 
from the table ; a sight to be seen only once, and never to be 
forgotten. . . . The ayes and noes were like two volleys of 
cannon from opposite sides of a field of battle." 

At last public feeling became so strong and menacing that the 
Lords, who were blocking the measure in the Upper House, were 
forced to yield, and the Reform Bill of 1832 became a law. By 
this act the English electoral system was radically changed. 
Eighty-six of the "rotten boroughs" were disfranchised or semi- 
disfranchised> and the hundred and forty-two seats in the Lower 
House taken from them were given to different counties and to 
large towns hitherto unrepresented. The bill also somewhat in- 
creased the number of electors by extending the right of voting 
to all persons in the towns owning or leasing property of a cer- 
tain value, and by lowering the property qualification of voters in 
the counties. 

The importance of this reform bill can hardly be exaggerated. 
It is the Magna Carta of English political democracy. 1 

1 The reform of the House of Commons gave an impulse to legislation of an 
humanitarian and popular character. In 1833 an act was passed in the British Com- 
mons for the abolition of slavery. Nearly 800,000 slaves, chiefly in the British West 
Indies, were freed at a cost to the English nation of ^20,000,000. This same year 
(1833) tne fi rst effective Factory Act was passed. This was the beginning of a long 
series of laws which gradually corrected the almost incredible abuses, particularly 
in connection with the employment of children, which had crept into the English 
factory system. A similar series of laws regulated labor in the mines. Also this same 
year Parliament voted an annual grant of ^20,000 to aid in the erection of school- 
houses. This was the first step taken by the English government in the promotion of 



24 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

17. The Municipal Reform Act of 1835. — The government of 
the English towns of this period needed reform as urgently as 
had the British Parliament. This municipal system was a system 
inherited from the Middle Ages. Most of the towns were ruled by 
corrupt oligarchies. Long agitation for their overthrow resulted 
in the passing of the Municipal Reform Act of 1835. This act 
accomplished for the government of the cities what the Reform Bill 
of 1832 had effected for the general government of the kingdom. 
It transformed the cities from grotesque, iniquitous oligarchies 
into something like democracies, wherein the government was in 
the hands of a mayor and a council elected by the townsmen. 

18. Chartism: the Revolutionary Year of 1848. — Although 
the Reform Bill of 1832 was almost revolutionary in the princi- 
ple it established, still it went only a little way in the application 
of that principle. It admitted to the franchise the middle classes 
only. The great laboring class were given no part in the govern- 
ment. They now began an agitation, characterized by much 
bitterness, known as Chartism, from a document called the 
" People's Charter," which embodied the reforms they desired. 
These were " universal suffrage, vote by ballot, annual parlia- 
ments, the division of the country into equal electoral districts, 
the abolition of the property qualification of members, and pay- 
ment for their services." 

The agitation for these changes in the constitution went on 
with more or less violence until 1848, in which year, encouraged 
by the revolutions then shaking almost every throne on the Euro- 
pean continent, the Chartists indulged in riotous demonstrations, 
which frightened the law-abiding citizens and brought discredit 
upon themselves. Their organization now fell to pieces. The 
reforms, however, which they had labored to secure, were, in 
the main, desirable and just, and the most important of them have 
since been adopted and made a part of the English constitution. 

public education. In 1846 England, by tbe repeal of her " corn laws," abandoned the 
commercial policy of protection, which favored the great landowners, and adopted 
that of free trade. The chief advocates of this important measure were Richard 
Cobden and John Bright. The enactment of the law was hastened by the blight of 
the potato crop in Ireland and consequent famine in the island. 



THE REFORM BILL OF 1867 25 

19. The Reform Bill of 1867 and the Education Act of 1870. 

— The Reform Bill of 1867 was simply another step taken by 
the English government in the direction of the Reform Bill of 
1832. Like that measure, it was passed only after long and vio- 
lent agitation and discussion both without and within the walls 
of Parliament. The main effect of the bill was the extension of 
the right of voting, — the enfranchisement of the great " fourth 
estate." 

As after the Reform Bill of 1832, so now the attention of Par- 
liament was directed to the matter of public instruction ; for all 
recognized that universal education must go along with universal 
suffrage. Three years after the passage of this second reform 
bill, Parliament passed an education act (1870) which aimed to 
provide an elementary education for every child in the British 
Isles by investing the local authorities with power to establish and 
maintain schools and compel the attendance of the children. 

20. The Reform Bill of 1884. — One of the conservative leaders, 
the Earl of Derby, in the discussions upon the Reform Bill of 
1867, said, "No doubt we are making a great experiment, and 
taking a leap in the dark." Just seventeen years after the pas- 
sage of that bill the English people were ready to take another 
leap. But they were not now leaping in the dark. The wisdom 
and safety of admitting the lower classes to a share in the govern- 
ment had been demonstrated. 

In 1884 Mr. Gladstone, then Prime Minister, introduced and 
pushed to a successful vote a new reform bill more radical and 
sweeping in its provisions than any preceding one. It increased 
the number of voters from about three millions to five millions. 
The qualification of voters in the counties was made the same as 
that required of voters in the boroughs. Hence its effect was to 
enfranchise the great agricultural classes. 

A redistribution bill, which was passed in connection with the 
reform bill, rearranged the electoral districts in such manner that 
the Commons should more fairly represent the popular will. The 
number of members from the boroughs was lessened and the 
number from the counties increased. 



26 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

21. The Reform of Rural Local Government. — Parliament 
and the government of the municipalities were now fairly democ- 
ratized. The rural districts were the last to feel the influence of 
the liberal movement that was so profoundly reconstructing in 
the interest of the masses the governmental institutions of the 
United Kingdom. But the movement finally reached these, and 
the work of democratic reconstruction has been rounded out and 
completed by different acts of Parliament, 2 which have put more 
directly into the hands of the people of each of the smaller sub- 
divisions of the realm the management of their local affairs. 

22. Only the Forms of Monarchy remain. — The English gov- 
ernment in its local as well as in its national branches is now in 
reality as democratic as our own. Only the forms of the aristo- 
cratic monarchy remain. It does not seem possible that these, 
in spite of the English love of ancient forms, can always with- 
stand the encroachments of democracy. Hereditary right and 
privilege, as represented by the House of Lords and the Crown, 
must in time be abolished. Even now whenever the Lords attempt 
to thwart the will of the Commons there are ominous threats of 
abolishing the Upper House, as at present constituted. It seems 
inevitable that these monarchical and aristocratic forms, repre- 
senting as they do an old order of things, should give way to 
purely modern democratic institutions; for, as the advocates of 
popular self-government maintain, the republic is the logical form 
of the democratic state. 

II. Extension of the Principle of Religious 

Equality 

23. Religious Freedom and Religious Equality. — Alongside 
the political movement traced in the preceding section ran a 
similar one in the religious realm. This was a growing recogni- 
tion by the English people of the true principle of religious 
toleration. 

2 The most important of these statutes are the Local Government Act of 1888 
(for England and Wales), the Local Government Act of 1889 (for Scotland), the 
Local Government Act of 1898 (for Ireland), and the Parish Council Act of 1894. 



RELIGIOUS FREEDOM AND EQUALITY 27 

At the opening of the nineteenth century there was in England 
religious freedom^ but no religious equality. That is to say, one 
might be a Catholic or a Protestant dissenter without fear of 
persecution. Dissent from the Established Church was not un- 
lawful; but one's being a Catholic or a Protestant nonconformist 
disqualified him from holding certain public offices. Where there 
exists such discrimination against any religious sect, or where 
any one sect is favored or sustained by the government, there of 
course is no religious equality, although there may be religious 
freedom. 

Progress in this direction, then, will consist in the growth of a 
really tolerant spirit, which shall lead to the removal of all civil 
disabilities from Catholics, Protestant dissenters, and Jews, and 
the placing of all sects on an absolute equality before the law. 

24. Methodism and its Effects upon Toleration. — One thing 
that helped to bring prominently forward the question of emanci- 
pating nonconformists from the civil disabilities under which they 
were placed, was the great religious movement of the eighteenth 
century known as Methodism. By vastly increasing the body of 
Protestant dissenters, Methodism gave new strength to the agita- 
tion for the repeal of the laws which bore so heavily upon them. 
So now began a series of legislative acts which made a more 
and more perfect application of the great principle of religious 
equality. We shall simply refer to two or three of the most im- 
portant of these measures. 

25. Disabilities removed from Protestant Dissenters (1828). — 
One of the earliest and most important of the acts of Parliament 
in this century in recognition of the principle of religious equality 
was the repeal of the Corporation and Test acts, in so far as they 
bore upon Protestant dissenters. These were acts passed in the 
reign of Charles II, which required every officer of a corporation, 
and all persons holding civil and military positions, to take cer- 
tain oaths and partake of the communion according to the rites 
of , the Anglican Church. It is true that these laws were not now 
strictly enforced ; nevertheless, the laws were invidious and vexa- 
tious, and the Protestant dissenters demanded their repeal. 



28 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

Those opposed to the repeal argued that the principle of reli- 
gious toleration did not require it. They insisted that, where 
every one has perfect freedom of worship, it is no infringement 
of the principle of toleration for the government to refuse to 
employ as a public servant one who dissents from the State 
Church. The result of the debate in Parliament was the repeal 
of such parts of the ancient acts as it was necessary to rescind in 
order to relieve Protestant dissenters. 

26. Disabilities removed from the Catholics (1829). — The 
bill of 1828 gave no relief to Catholics. They were still excluded 
from Parliament and various civil offices by the declarations of 
beliefs and the oaths required of officeholders, — declarations and 
oaths which no good Catholic could conscientiously make. 3 They 
now demanded that the same concessions be made them that had 
been granted Protestant dissenters. 

A threatened revolt on the part of the Irish Catholics hurried 
through Parliament the progress of what was known as the " Cath- 
olic Emancipation Act." This law opened Parliament and all the 
offices of the kingdom, below the Crown, — save that of Regent, 
of Lord High Chancellor of England and Ireland, of Lord 
Deputy of Ireland, and a few others, — to the Catholic subjects 
of the realm. 

27. Disabilities removed from the Jews (1858). — Persons pro- 
fessing the Jewish religion were still laboring under all the dis- 
abilities which had now been removed from Protestant dissenters 
and Catholics. In 1858 an act (Jewish Relief Act) was passed by 
Parliament which so changed the oath required of a person taking 
office — the oath contained the words, " Upon the true faith of a 
Christian " — as to open all public positions, except a few special 
offices, to persons of the Jewish faith. 

28. Disestablishment of the Irish Church (1869). — Forty years 
after the Catholic Emancipation Act the English government 
took another great step in the direction of religious equality by 
the disestablishment of the State Church in Ireland. 

3 In England Catholics were excluded from the privilege of voting as well as from 
the holding of office. 



DISESTABLISHMENT OF THE IRISH CHURCH 29 



The Irish have always and steadily refused to accept the reli- 
gion which their English conquerors have somehow felt con- 
strained to try to force upon them. The vast majority of the 
people are to-day, and ever have been, Catholics ; yet up to the 
time where we have now arrived these Irish Catholics had been 
compelled to pay tithes and fees for the maintenance among them 
of the Anglican Church worship. Meanwhile their own churches, 
in which the great masses 
were instructed and cared 
for spiritually, had to be 
kept up by voluntary con- 
tributions. 

The rank injustice in thus 
forcing the Irish Catholics 
to support a Church in 
which they not only did 
not believe but which they 
regarded with special aver- 
sion and hatred as the sym- 
bol of their subjection and 
persecution, was perceived 
and declaimed against by 
many among the English 
Protestants themselves. 

The proposal to do away 
with this grievance by the 
disestablishment of the 
State Church in Ireland was 
bitterly opposed by the Con- 
servatives, headed by Lord 
Derby and Mr. Disraeli ; but 




Fig. 4. — Lord Beaconsfield (Dis- 
raeli), " The Courtier Premier." 
(From the monument in Westminster 
Abbey) 



at length, after a memorable debate, the Liberals, under the lead 
of Bright and Gladstone, the latter then Prime Minister, carried 
the measure. This was in 1869, but the actual disestablishment 
was not to take place until the year 1 871, at which time the Irish 
Church, ceasing to exist as a state institution, became a free 



30 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

Episcopal Church. The historian May pronounces this " the most 
important ecclesiastical matter since the Reformation." 

29. Proposed Disestablishment of the State Church in England, 
Scotland, and Wales. — The perfect application of the principle 
of religious equality demands, in the opinion of many English 
Liberals, the disestablishment of the State Church in England, 
Scotland, 4 and Wales. They feel that for the government to 
maintain any particular sect is to give the state a monopoly in 
religion. They would have the churches of all denominations 
placed on an absolute equality. Especially in Scotland and 
Wales is the sentiment in favor of disestablishment very strong. 

III. England's Relations with Ireland 

30. Legislative Union of Great Britain and Ireland (1800). — 
The history of Ireland in the nineteenth century, like her history 
in all preceding centuries, is in the main a story of Irish griev- 
ances against England. These grievances have for the most part 
arisen out of three distinct yet closely related subject-matters, — 
religion, Home Rule, and the land. Concerning the religious 
grievances of the Irish and their redress we have^already spoken 
in connection with the general religious emancipation movement 
in England. For an understanding of the subject of Irish Home 
Rule a glance backward at Irish parliamentary history is necessary. 

Ireland secured legislative independence of England in 1782. 5 
When, a little later, Napoleon came to the head of affairs in 
France, there was apprehension on the part of English statesmen 
lest he should utilize Irish discontent to secure a foothold in the 

4 The Established Church in Scotland is the Presbyterian. 

5 While the War of American Independence was going on, the Irish, taking advan- 
tage of the embarrassment of the English government, demanded legislative inde- 
pendence. Since the Norman period Ireland had had a Parliament of her own, but 
it was dependent upon the English crown, and at this time was subordinate to the 
English Parliament, which asserted and exercised the right to bind Ireland by its 
laws. This the Anglo-Irish patriots strenuously resisted and drew up a Declaration 
of Rights wherein they demanded the legislative independence of Ireland. Fear 
of a revolt led England to grant the demands of the patriots and acknowledge the 
independence of the Irish Parliament. 



AGITATION FOR THE REPEAL OF THE UNION 31 

island. As a measure of precaution the English government 
resolved to get rid of the Irish Parliament. By wholesale bribery 
its members were induced to pass a sort of self-denying ordinance 
whereby the Parliament was abolished, or rather merged with 
that of Great Britain, Ireland being given representation at West- 
minster. The two islands were henceforth to bear the name of 
"The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland." 

31. Agitation for the Repeal of the Union. — The great body 
of Irish patriots did not at the time of these transactions admit, 
nor have they at any time since admitted, the validity of the Act 
of Union whereby their Parliament was taken from them. In the 
early forties the agitation for the repeal of the Union and the 
reestablishment of their native legislature assumed, under the in- 
citement of the eloquence of the Irish patriot Daniel O'Connell, 
almost the character of a rebellion. Some years later, in the sixties, 
the agitation was carried to the point of actual insurrection, but 
the movement was quickly suppressed and its leaders punished. 

32. Gladstone and Home Rule for Ireland. — It was not long 
before the Irish question was again to the front. In 1886 Wil- 
liam Ewart Gladstone became for the third time Prime Minister. 
Almost his first act was the introduction in the Commons of a 
Home, Rule bill for Ireland. The main feature of this measure 
was an Irish legislature sitting at Dublin, to which was to be 
intrusted the management of all exclusively Irish affairs. 

The chief arguments urged by the opponents of the bill were 
that an Irish legislature would deal unfairly with English landlords 
in Ireland, would oppress the Protestant portion of the popula- 
tion, and, above all, in time of national distress would sever Ire- 
land from the British Empire. 

After a long debate the bill was rejected by the Commons 
(1886). Gladstone appealed to the country. The elections re- 
sulted in his defeat. Lord Salisbury became the head of the next 
cabinet. 

The agitation for Irish Home Rule, however, went on. In 1892 
the elections resulted in bringing Gladstone to the premiership 
for the fourth time. He now brought in a new Home Rule bill 



32 



NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 



(1893), which in its essential features was like his first. There 
followed a long and bitter debate between the partisans of the 
measure and its opponents. The bill passed the Commons, but 
was rejected by the House of Lords by an almost unanimous vote. 
The following year, owing to the infirmities of advanced age, 
Gladstone laid down the burdens of the premiership and retired 




Fig. 5. — William Ewart Gladstone. (After a painting 
by Franz von Leubacli) 

from public life. He died in 1898 at the age of eighty-eight, 
and, amidst unusual demonstrations of national grief, was buried 
in Westminster Abbey. His name has a sure place among the 
great names in English history. 

33. Irish Local Government Bill (1898). — The cause of Irish 
Home Rule seemed to have descended into the tomb with 



AGRARIAN TROUBLES AND LEGISLATION 33 

Gladstone. The Conservative ministry of Lord Salisbury, however, 
in 1898, hoping to satisfy in a measure Irish demands, enacted a 
law which created local governing bodies in Ireland, like those 
which had then recently been established in other parts of the 
United Kingdom (sec. 21). 

The Irish had good reason in this matter to fear the Tories 
bringing gifts. One purpose of the Conservatives in this piece 
of legislation was " to kill Heme Rule with kindness " ; that is, 
by the creation of a number of local councils, to induce the Irish 
to cease their clamor for a general legislature for Ireland. 

But it seems hardly likely that these tardy and partial conces- 
sions to the Irish demands for self-government will persuade 
the Irish to abate their demands for a national Parliament at 
Dublin, a body that shall truly represent the hopes and aspi- 
rations of the Irish people as one of the great nations of the 
British Empire. 

34. Agrarian Troubles and Agrarian Legislation. — It is the 
opinion of many students of the Irish question that it is at bottom 
an economic rather than a political one, and that if Irish economic 
grievances were removed, the Irish would cease to care for Home 
Rule. 

It is certainly true that very much of Irish misery and discon- 
tent arises from absentee landlordism. A great part of the soil 
of Ireland is owned by a few hundred English proprietors, who 
represent in the main, either as heirs or as purchasers, those 
English and Scotch settlers to whom the lands confiscated from 
the natives were given at the time of the Cromwellian and other 
Protestant "settlements" of the island. Before the recent relief 
legislation, of which we shall speak directly, it was often the case 
that the agents of these absentee landlords dealt harshly with 
their tenants and exacted as rent every penny that could be 
wrung from their poverty. If a tenant made improvements upon 
the land he tilled, and by ditching and subduing it increased its 
productive power, straightway his rent was raised. If he failed to 
pay the higher rent, he was evicted. The records of " evictions " 
form a sad chapter in the history of the Irish peasantry. 



34 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

A long series of Irish land laws marks the efforts of the British 
Parliament to alleviate the distress of the Irish tenant farmers. 
In 1903 an Irish land purchase bill, more sweeping and liberal 
than any preceding measure, was enacted into a law. This law 
differs from earlier ones in the provision that peasants desiring 
to buy their holdings shall be aided, not merely by a government 
loan on long time and low interest, but further by the govern- 
ment itself paying a part of the purchase price. Should this liberal 
measure be carried into full effect, it would convert nearly half a 
million of Irish tenants into proprietors and would thus wholly 
revolutionize the relation of the Irish peasantry to the Irish soil. 

Selections from the Sources. — Lee, Source-Book, pp. 483-541 ; Ken- 
dall, Source-Book, chaps, xx and xxi ; and Colby, Selections, Nos. 113-117. 
The most important documents for the period will be found in Adams and 
Stephens, Select Documents of English Constitutional History, pp. 497- 

555- 

Secondary Works. — For Parliamentary reform: May, The Constitu- 
tional History of England ; Gammage, History of the Chartist Movement, 
183J-54; McCarthy, The Epoch of Reform; Carlyle, Chartism; and 
Dickinson, The Development of Parliament during the Nineteenth Century. 

For Irish matters : Lecky, History of Ireland in the Eighteenth Cen- 
tury, vol. v, chaps, xii and xiii, for the legislative union of England and 
Ireland ; Tzvo Centuries of Irish History, i6g/-i8yo, by different writers, 
with an Introduction by James Bryce ; Dicey, England' 's Case against 
Home Rule ; McCarthy, Ireland since the Union ; and King, The Irish 
Question. 

Biographies : Morley, The life of Richard Cobden and The life of 
William Ewart Gladstone. In the last biography (vol. i, pp. 635-640), read 
the remarkable letter of young Gladstone to his father on the choice of 
a profession. Brandes, Lord Beaconsfield. For additional biographical 
material the reader should turn to the Dictionary of National Biography. 

For the social, intellectual, and industrial life of the period : Traill, 
Social England, vol. vi ; and Cheyney, An Introduction to the Social His- 
tory of England, chaps, viii-x. 

For a general review of the events of the period : McCarthy, History 
of Our Own Times. 

Topics for Class Reports. — 1. Lord Beaconsfield, the courtier Premier. 
2. Gladstone, the Liberal Premier. 3. John Bright, the orator. 4. Daniel 
O'Connell, the Irish patriot. 5. The potato famine in Ireland. 6. Factory 
reform. 



CHAPTER IV 
SPAIN AND THE REVOLT OF HER AMERICAN COLONIES 

35. Effects of Napoleon's Invasion of Spain. — The plan of our 
work permits us to touch upon only those passages in nineteenth- 
century Spanish history which, through their relation to the French 
Revolution or to the general democratic movement since 1815, 
constitute a part of universal history. 

The invasion of Spain by Napoleon in 1808, wanton as was 
this attack upon Spanish nationality, resulted ultimately in the 
destruction there of the old corrupt, absolute monarchical system. 
As an outcome of the national uprising against the French in- 
vaders, the country received from the Spanish patriot party a 
charter of liberty known as the Constitution of 181 2. The maxims 
and principles underlying this instrument were like those embodied 
in the French Constitution of 1791. This marks the beginning 
of constitutional government in Spain. 

36. The Bourbon Restoration and the Revolution of 1 820-1823. — 
The Restoration of 181 4 brought back the Bourbons in the person 
of Ferdinand VII. Ferdinand was an absolutist. Straightway he 
set about the restoration of the old regime. He abolished the 
constitution, dissolved the Cortes, or National Assembly, and ban- 
ished or imprisoned the leaders of the Liberal party. This policy 
of reaction and repression was met in 1820 by an uprising of the 
Liberals. The insurgents proclaimed the Constitution of 181 2, 
and forced the king to swear to rule henceforth in accordance 
with its provisions. 

But the absolute sovereigns of Europe would not allow the 
Spanish people to have a constitutional government. They 
regarded the setting up of such a system in the peninsula as 
a menace to their own system of absolutism. They met in 

35 



36 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

conference, 1 and France was assured of the support of Austria, 
Russia, and Prussia if she should undertake to suppress the liberal 
movement. A French army at once crossed the Pyrenees. The 
constitutional government was overthrown, and Ferdinand was 
restored to his former authority as an absolute ruler. 2 

For ten years the old regime was in force in all its rigor. 
Thousands of Liberals were immured in dungeons or driven into 
exile. The monasteries, which had been suppressed during the 
French regime, were reopened. The Inquisition, which had also 
been abolished, was reestablished. The people were forbidden to 
read foreign books, which were presumably filled with the con- 
tagion of democratic ideas. 

37. The Revolt of Spain's American Colonies. — At the opening 
of the nineteenth century Spain's system of government in her 
over-the-sea dependencies was based on the seventeenth-century 
maxim that colonies exist for the sake of the mother country. 
The colonists were forbidden to trade with any country save the 
home land. All the chief offices in State and Church were filled 
by persons born in Spain; the Creoles, that is, Spaniards born 
in the colonies, were allowed no part in the government. The 

1 During these troubled times the sovereigns of the great powers, either in person 
or by representatives, met in three celebrated conferences, — the Congress of Trop- 
pau (1820), the Congress of Laibach (1821), and the Congress of Verona (1822). It 
was at the Verona conference that action was taken concerning the state of affairs in 
Spain. England, jealous of French influence in the peninsula, protested against the 
proposed intervention, and withdrew from the congress. 

2 The revolution in Spain incited a like movement in Portugal. It will be recalled 
that when the French invaded Portugal in 1807 the royal family fled to Brazil. The 
seat of government was not retransf erred to the home country in 18 15, but Portugal 
was governed from Brazil as though it were a dependency of the colony. This situ- 
ation was naturally displeasing to the people of Portugal. In 1820 the dissatisfac- 
tion culminated in a revolution. The insurgents proclaimed a liberal constitution. 
King John VI, urged to return from Brazil, finally set sail for Portugal. Upon his 
arrival he was constrained to take an oath to observe the new constitution. Then 
followed a long troubled period. Only since the middle of the nineteenth century 
can the country be said to have had anything like a regular constitutional gov- 
ernment. Before leaving Brazil King John had appointed his son Dom Pedro as 
regent. In 1822 the colony declared its independence of Portugal and transformed 
itself into a constitutional empire with Dom Pedro as Emperor. In 1889 a revolu- 
tion overturned the empire and drove the imperial family into exile. A republic was 
then proclaimed under the name of the United States of Brazil. 



REVOLT OF SPAIN'S AMERICAN COLONIES 37 

Indians and half-breeds, who formed the great bulk of the popu- 
lation, were held in a kind of serfdom. Negro slavery prevailed 
in all the colonies. The Inquisition was maintained in all its rigor. 
A jealous censorship of the press prevented all free expression 
of opinion. 

This oppressive and arbitrary system of government did not fail 
to arouse in the colonies a spirit of protest and rebellion. The 
successful revolt of the English colonies in the North* and the 
French Revolution gave a great impulse to this revolutionary 
movement in all the Spanish-American countries. The invasion 
of Spain by the French in 1808 was the signal for insurrection. 
Taking advantage of the deposition of their king by Napoleon, 
the colonists rose in revolt, demanding reforms and a share in 
public affairs. When the Napoleonic Wars ended in 18 15 Spain 
had almost suppressed these insurrections against her authority. 

Then came the Restoration, which placed the Bourbon Ferdi- 
nand VII upon the Spanish throne. Had he made wise con- 
cessions to the colonists, they might have been held in their 
allegiance. Just the opposite course was followed, which resulted 
in fanning into a fierce flame the smoldering embers of insurrec- 
tion. The Revolution of 1820 in Spain imparted fresh energy to 
the outbreak. The aim of the colonists now was not simply a 
redress of grievances but a severance of all political relations with 
the mother country. 

The details of this war of Spanish colonial independence belong 
to the special histories of Spain and her colonies. In the next 
paragraph we shall touch upon only a single international phase 
of the conflict, which throws a strong side light upon the great 
struggle at this time going on in Europe between the absolute 
rulers and the people. 

38. The Holy Alliance and the Monroe Doctrine. — The prin- 
ciples of absolutism in government having been asserted anew 
in Spain, 3 the sovereigns of the Holy Alliance now turned their 
attention to the New World. They began to discuss the project 
of aiding Spain to reduce to obedience her rebellious colonies. 

3 And also in Italy (sec. 43). 



38 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

These deliberations of the absolute sovereigns mark a critical 
moment in the history of the New World and of the cause of 
popular self-government. The threatened interference by the Old 
World monarchies in New World affairs awakened the apprehen- 
sion of the government of the United States. John Quincy Adams, 
then Secretary of State, declared that " if the Holy Alliance sub- 
dues Spanish America, the ultimate result of the undertaking will 
be not to set up the standard of Spain but to portion out the 
continent among themselves. Russia might take California, Peru, 
and Chile, and thus make the Pacific a Russian lake." 

Such was the situation when in 1823 President Monroe issued 
his famous message. After referring to the gloomy outlook for 
Liberalism in the Old World and to the despotic system of gov- 
ernment represented by the Holy Alliance, he said: "We owe 
it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing 
between the United States and those powers [the " Holy Allies "], 
to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to 
extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous 
to our peace and safety." 

This is the essential part of the celebrated Monroe Doctrine as 
first formulated. The solemn protest of the United States, sup- 
ported as it was by the decisive stand of the English government, 4 
did not pass unheeded by the Continental European sovereigns. 
The contemplated intervention in the affairs of the Spanish colo- 
nies did not take place, and the year 1824 saw all the American 
dependencies of Spain freed from her oppressive yoke. Fifteen 
independent republics, embracing fifteen millions of her former 
subjects, arose on the ruins of her empire. 

39. End of Absolute Monarchy in Spain ; the Republic of 
1873-1874. — Spain was a corner of Europe which was not seri- 
ously agitated by the upheavals of the revolutionary year 1830. 
But there was here as elsewhere an increasing demand by the 
people for a share in the government. It was in recognition of 

4 The English government disapproved the plan of intervention, partly on account 
of its dislike of the principles of absolute government and partly on account of 
English trade interests in the Spanish-American countries. 



END OF THE ABSOLUTE MONARCHY 39 

this growing democratic sentiment that in 1837 the nation was 
given a revised edition of the Constitution of 18 12. This date 
marks the end of absolute monarchy in Spain. 

The matter most worthy of notice in the internal history of 
Spain as a constitutional state is the establishment in the penin- 
sula of the short-lived Republic of 1873-1874. The leading spirit 
of this republican movement, and the third President of the com- 
monwealth, was Emilio Castelar, a brilliant orator and a sincere 
patriot. But the people of Spain were not yet prepared for repub- 
lican institutions. The republic lasted less than two years. Upon 
its downfall the monarchy was restored with a liberal constitution. 

40. Conclusion. — The century closed in gloom for Spain. In 
1898 came the disastrous and humiliating war with the United 
States, respecting the causes and incidents of which the reader 
will turn to the later chapters of American history. It will be in 
place here simply to say that the war resulted in Spain's loss of 
Cuba and other insular possessions, — almost the last remnants 
of one of the most extended and magnificent of the colonial 
empires of modern times. 

Selections from the Sources. — Hart and Channing, American His- 
tory Leaflets, No. 4, " Extracts from Official Declarations of the United 
States embodying the Monroe Doctrine." 

Secondary Works. — Hume, Modern Spain. Moses, The Establishment 
of Spanish Ride in America, chap, xi, " Spain's Economic Policy in America." 
WiNSOR, Narrative and Critical History of America, vol. viii, chaps, iv and v. 
Oilman, James Monroe, chap, vii, " The Monroe Doctrine " ; a valuable 
bibliography of Monroe and the Monroe Doctrine, by Professor J. F. 
Jameson, forms an appendix to the volume. Reddaway, The Monroe 
Doctrine. Edgington,- The Monroe Doctrine. Hannay, Don Emilio 
Castelar. Latimer, Spain in the Nineteenth Century. 

Topics for Class Reports. — 1. The Monroe Doctrine. 2. Simon Bolivar. 
3. Emilio Castelar. 4. Don Carlos and the Carlists. 



CHAPTER V 
THE LIBERATION AND UNIFICATION OF ITALY 

41. Italy at the Downfall of Napoleon. — The Italian peoples, 
as being the most dangerously infected with the ideas of the Revo- 
lution, were, by the reactionary Congress of Vienna, condemned 
to the most strict and ignominious slavery. The former republics 
were not allowed to restore their ancient institutions, while the 
petty principalities were handed over in almost every case to the 
tyrants or to the heirs of the tyrants who had ruled them before 
the Revolution. 

Austria, as has been stated, appropriated Venetia and Lom- 
bardy, and from Northern Italy assumed to direct the affairs of 
the whole peninsula. "The baton of Metternich," wrote Mazzini, 
"governs and directs all the petty tyrants of Italy." Tuscany, 
Modena, Parma, and Lucca were given to princes of the House 
of Hapsburg. Naples was restored to its old Bourbon rulers. The 
Pope and Victor Emmanuel I, king of Sardinia (Piedmont), were 
the only native rulers, but they also were absolutists. 

The little republic of San Marino, protected by its insignificance, 
was the only patch of free population left in the entire peninsula. 
The Italians had become a " Helot nation." Italy, in the words 
of Metternich, was merely a " geographical expression." 

But the Revolution had sown the seeds of liberty, and time only 
was needed for their maturing. The Cisalpine, Ligurian, Parthe- 
nopean, and Tiberine republics, short-lived though they were, had 
awakened in the people an aspiration for self-government ; while 
Napoleon's kingdom of Italy, though equally delusive, had never- 
theless inspired thousands of Italian patriots with the sentiment 
of national unity. Thus the French Revolution, disappointing as 
seemed its issue, really imparted to Italy her first impulse in the 
direction of freedom and national organization. 

40 



ARBITRARY RULE OF THE RESTORED PRINCES 41 

42. Arbitrary Rule of the Restored Princes. — The setting up 
of the overturned thrones meant, of course, the reinstating of the 
old tyrannies. The restored despots came back with an implaca- 
ble hatred of everything French. The liberal constitutions of the 
revolutionary period were set aside, and all French institutions that 
were supposed to tend in the least to Liberalism were swept away. 

In Sardinia, King Victor Emmanuel I, the " royal Rip Van 
Winkle," instituted a most extreme reactionary policy. Nothing 
that bore the French stamp, nothing that had been set up by 
French hands, was allowed to remain. The monks were given 
back their monasteries, which had been converted into factories, 
colleges, and hospitals. The Jesuits were again placed in control 
of education. Even the French furniture in the royal palace at 
Turin was thrown out of the windows, and the French plants in 
the royal gardens were pulled up root and branch. Travel over 
the Mont Cenis road, constructed by Napoleon, was discouraged, 
in order that this monument of French genius might be forgotten. 

43. The Carbonari: Uprising of 1820-1821. — The natural 
result of the arbitrary rule of the restored princes was deep and 
widespread discontent. An old secret organization, the members 
of which were known as the Carbonari (charcoal burners), formed 
the nucleus about which gathered the elements of disaffection. 

In 1820, incited by the revolution in Spain, the Carbonari 
raised an insurrection in Naples and forced King Ferdinand to 
grant his Neapolitan subjects the Spanish Constitution of 18 12 
(sec. 35). But Prince Metternich, who had been watching the 
doings of the Neapolitans, interfered to mar their plans. He 
reasoned that Lombardy and Venetia could be kept free from 
the contagion of Liberalism only by the stamping out of the infec- 
tion wherever else in Italy it might show itself. Sixty thousand 
Austrian troops were sent to crush the revolutionary movement, 
the liberal constitution was suppressed, Ferdinand was reinstated 
in his former absolute authority, and everything was put back on 
the old footing. 

Meanwhile a similar revolution was running its course in 
Piedmont, the aim of which was to secure a liberal constitution 



42 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

for Sardinia and to drive the Austrians out of Lombardy and 
join it to the Sardinian kingdom. King Victor Emmanuel I, 
rather than yield to the demands of his people for a constitution, 
gave up his crown and was succeeded by his brother Charles 
Felix, a despot by nature, who, by threatening to call to his aid 
the Austrian army, compelled his subjects to cease their clamor 
about kings ruling not by the grace of God but by the will of 
the people. 

The suppression of the Liberal uprisings seemed to Metternich 
the sure pledge of divine favor. He writes exultantly : " I see 
the dawn of a better day. . . . Heaven seems to will that the 
world should not be lost." 

44. The Revolution of 1830-1831. — For just ten years all 
Italy lay in sullen vassalage to Austria. Then the revolutionary 
years of 1 830-1 831 witnessed a repetition of the scenes of 1820- 
182 1. The revolution in France which placed Louis Philippe 
upon the French throne sent a tremor of excitement and hope 
through all Italy. The center of the revolution was the Papal 
States. The death of the Pope towards the close of the year 
1830 appeared to favor the undertaking. In a short time nearly 
all the territories of the Church were in open revolt, and a reso- 
lution of the insurrectionists declared that the temporal rule of 
the Pope was and by right ought to be forever ended. 

But the election of a new Pope, and the presence of Austrian 
troops, who, " true to their old principle of hurrying with their 
extinguishers to any spot in Italy where a crater opened," had 
poured into Central Italy, resulted in the speedy quenching of the 
flames of the insurrection. 

45. The Three Parties. — Twice now had Austrian armies 
defeated the aspirations of the Italians for national unity and 
freedom. Italian hatred of these foreign intermeddlers who were 
causing them to miss their destiny grew ever more intense, and 
" Death to the Germans ! " as the Austrians were called, became 
the watch cry that united all the peoples of the peninsula. 

But while united in their fierce hatred of the Austrians, the 
Italians were divided in their views respecting the best plan for 



JOSEPH MAZZINI, THE PATRIOT AND PROPHET 43 

national organization. One party wanted a confederation of the 
various states ; a second party wished to see Italy a constitutional 
monarchy, with the king of Sardinia at its head ; while still a third, 
known as "Young Italy," wanted a republic. 

46. Joseph Mazzini, the Patriot and Prophet. — The leader 
of the third or Republican party was the patriot Joseph Mazzini, 
who played so special a part in the movement for Italy's eman- 
cipation and regeneration that we must dwell for a moment upon 
his personality and work. 

Mazzini wished to see Italy freed from foreign domination and 
the populations of her different provinces united in. a strong cen- 
tralized republic. The means of emancipation and regeneration 
were to be education and arms. 

Mazzini realized that there can be no real and successful Revo- 
lution without Renaissance. "Great ideas," he said, "must pre- 
cede great actions." Hence his aim was to create among the 
people a new intellectual and moral life. "Tell the people," he 
said, "of the great past of Italy; tell them of the advantages of 
liberty and independence ; tell them what their brothers are 
doing in France, in Belgium, in Poland, in Hungary. Point to 
the Alps and cry, 'Those are Italy's true frontiers. Out with 
the foreigner ! ' " 

Mazzini believed also in the use of bayonets, but only on con- 
dition that they have " ideas at their point." Insurrection was to 
be carried on at first by means of guerrilla bands ; then later with 
regular armies the people would overturn the thrones of the tyrants 
and set up the republic. 

But Mazzini was not a narrow nationalist. He recognized the 
universal character of the democratic revolution. The people 
were oppressed not only in Italy but in Spain, in Portugal, in 
Hungary, in Poland, in Russia, in Turkey, — almost everywhere, 
in truth. Their cause was a common cause. In opposition to 
the Holy Alliance of the princes formed with aim to oppress, 
there must be a Holy Alliance of the peoples formed with aim 
to emancipate. The French Revolution, he said, had proclaimed 
the liberty, equality, and fraternity of individual men ; the new 



44 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

revolution should proclaim the liberty, equality, and fraternity 
of nations. 

In this great work of the emancipation and unification of the 
world, Italy was to be head and guide of the nations. To her 
this post of leadership was assigned by virtue of her leadership 
in the past. Italy had not yet consumed her life. She had still 
a third life to live. Once pagan Rome organized and ruled the 
world. Then papal Rome organized and ruled it for a thousand 
years. Now a third world union was to be formed, and of this 
union of the free and federated nations Italy, Italy as a republic, 
was to be center and head. The first Rome was the Rome of 
the Caesars ; the second was the Rome of the Popes ; the third 
was to be the Rome of the Italian People. 

Such was Mazzini's interpretation of the drama of world history. 
Such was his splendid ideal. Through kindling the enthusiasm 
of the Italian youth, awakening the sentiment of patriotism, and 
keeping alive the spirit of insurrection Mazzini rendered a great 
service to the cause of Italian liberation and union. 

47. The Revolution of 1848-1849. — After the suppression of 
the uprising of 1830 until the approach of the memorable year 
1848, Italy lay restless under the heel of her oppressor. The 
republican movements throughout Europe which characterized 
that year of revolutions encouraged the Italian patriots in another 
attempt to achieve independence and nationality. Everywhere 
throughout the peninsula they rose against their despotic rulers 
and forced them to grant constitutions and institute reforms. 

The interest of the conflict centered in North Italy. The Sar- 
dinian throne at this time was held by Charles Albert, a true- 
hearted and zealous patriot, who had just granted his people a 
liberal constitution (1848), — a constitution which was to become 
the charter of the liberties of united Italy. Taking advantage of 
the embarrassment of the Austrian government caused by popular 
uprisings in all parts of its dominions, Charles Albert declared war 
against Austria, and straightway flung upon her forces in Lombardy 
the Sardinian army, which had been augmented by volunteers 
from all parts of Italy. At first he was everywhere successful, and 



VICTOR EMMANUEL II 



45 



Lombardy and Venice both placed themselves under his rule ; but 
finally the veteran Austrian general Radetzky turned the tide of war 
against him, recovered Lombardy, and, invading Piedmont, inflicted 
upon the Sardinian army such a defeat (battle of Novara, 1849) 
that Charles Albert was constrained to resign his crown in favor 
of his son Victor Emmanuel II, who, he hoped, would be able to 
secure more advantageous terms from 
the victorious Austrians than he him- 
self could expect to obtain. 

Meanwhile the Romans had risen, 
proclaimed the Republic, and driven 
out the Pope, Pius IX. But the new 
Tiberine Republic was soon over- 
thrown by the troops of the French 
Republic, just recently set up (sec. 10), 
and the Pope was reinstated in his 
authority. This interference by the 
French in Italian affairs was prompted 
by their jealousy of Austria and the de- 
sire of Louis Napoleon to win the good 
will of the Catholic clergy in France. 
Thus through the intervention of foreigners was the third Italian 
revolution brought to naught. 

48, Victor Emmanuel II, Count Cavour, and Garibaldi. We 

have just noticed the accession to the Sardinian throne of Victor 
Emmanuel II as a constitutional ruler,- — the only one remaining 
in Italy. Austria had tried to get him to repeal the constitution 
his father had granted, but he had resolutely refused to do so. 
To him it was that the hopes of the Italian patriots now turned. 
Nor were these hopes to be disappointed. Victor Emmanuel 
was the destined liberator of Italy, or perhaps it would be more 
correct to say that his was the name in which the achievement 
was to be effected by the wise policy of his great minister Count 
Cavour and the reckless daring of the national hero Garibaldi. 

Count Cavour was the Bismarck of Italy, — one of those great 
men who during this formative period in the life of the European 




Fig. 6. — Victor Emman- 
uel II. (From an engraving) 



4 6 



NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 



peoples have earned the title of Nation Makers. He was lacking 
in oratorical and poetic gifts. " I cannot make a sonnet," he said, 
"'but I can make Italy," — an utterance suggested doubtless by 
that of the Athenian statesman (Themistocles) who boasted that 
though " he knew nothing of music and song, he did know how 
of a mean city to make a great one." Cavour was the real maker 

of modern Italy. 

Garibaldi, " the hero of the red 
shirt," the knight-errant of Italian 
independence, was a most remarkable 
character. Though yet barely past 
middle life, he had led a career singu- 
larly crowded with varied experiences 
\ and romantic adventures. Because of 
his violent republicanism he had already 
been twice exiled from Italy. 

49. Sardinia in the Crimean War. — 
In T855, in pursuance of a far-sighted 
policy, Cavour sent a Sardinian con- 
tingent of fifteen thousand men to aid 
England and France against Russia in 
the Crimean War (sec. 79), with the two chief aims of giving Sardinia 
a standing among the powers of Europe, and of earning the grat- 
itude of England and France, so that the Italians in their future 
struggles with Austria might not have to fight their battles alone. 
A little incident in the trenches of the allies before Sevastopol 
shows in what spirit the Sardinians had gone to the war. A soldier, 
covered with mud and wearied with the everlasting digging, com- 
plained to his superior officer. " Never mind," was the consoling 
reply ; " it is with this mud that Italy is to be made." 

50. Cavour prepares for War with Austria. — After the Peace 
of Paris, which closed the Crimean War, Cavour continued the 
vigorous domestic policy which he had adopted for Sardinia with 
the aim of developing her material resources and thus preparing 
her for great exertions. The most notable undertaking which 
he persuaded the Sardinian government to enter upon was the 




Fig. 7. — Count Cavour 
(From an engraving) 



THE AUSTRO-SARDINIAN WAR * 47 

tunneling of the Alps beneath Mont Cenis, in order that Sardinia 
might be brought into commercial intercourse with the north of 
Europe "If we are to become great/' he said, "we must do 
this. The Alps must come down." 

Another part of Cavour's policy was to cultivate the friendship 
of the French Emperor Napoleon III. In a secret meeting with 
the Emperor he received from him a promise that a French army 
would, when the favorable moment arrived, aid the Sardinians in 
driving the Austrians out of Italy. In this proffer of help the 
French Emperor was actuated less by gratitude for the aid of the 
Sardinian contingent in the Crimean War than by a desire to les- 
sen the power of Austria in Italy and to replace it by French influ- 
ence, and to secure Savoy and Nice, which were to be France's 
reward for her intervention in Sardinia's behalf. 

51. The Austro-Sardinian War (185 9-1 860). — The hour for 
striking another blow for the freedom of Italy had now arrived. 
Sardinia began to arm. Austria, alarmed at these demonstrations, 
called upon Sardinia to disarm immediately upon threat of war. 
Cavour eagerly accepted the challenge. 

The French armies were now joined to those of Sardinia. The 
two great victories of Magenta and Solferino drove the Austrians 
out of Lombardy and behind the famous Quadrilateral, consisting 
of four strong fortresses, which sheltered Venetia. Just at this 
juncture the menacing attitude of Prussia and other German 
states, which were alarmed at the prospective aggrandizement of 
France, and the rapid spread of the revolutionary movement in 
Italy, which foreshadowed the union of all the states of the pen- 
insula in a single kingdom, — something which Louis Napoleon 
did not wish to see consummated, 1 — this new situation of things, 
in connection with other considerations, caused the French Em- 
peror to. draw back and enter upon negotiations of peace with the 
Austrian Emperor Francis Joseph at Villafranca. 

1 Napoleon III did not wish for a united Italy any more than he wished for a 
united Germany. His aim was to create a kingdom in Northern Italy which would 
exclude Austria from the peninsula and then to bring about a confederation of all 
the Italian states under the presidency of the Pope. Italy thus reconstructed would, 
be conceived, be fain to look to the French Emperor as her champion and patron. 



48 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

The outcome was that Austria retained Venice but gave up to 
Sardinia the larger part of Lombardy. The Sardinians were bitterly 
disappointed that they did not get Venetia, and loudly accused 
the French Emperor of having betrayed their cause, since at the 
outset he had promised them that he would free Italy from the 
"Alps to the Adriatic." 

But Sardinia found compensation for Venice in the accession 
of Tuscany, Modena, Parma, and the Romagna, the peoples of 
which states, having discarded their old rulers, besought Victor 
Emmanuel to permit them to unite themselves to his kingdom. 
Thus, as the result of the war, the king of Sardinia had added to 
his subjects a population of seven millions. A long step had been 
taken in the way of Italian unity and freedom. 

But while the Sardinian kingdom was thus vastly extended to 
the east and to the south, it was cut away a little on the west. 
Savoy and Nice, the former " the cradle of the Savoyard House," 
were given to France, according to previous agreement, as the 
price of her services. 

52. Sicily and Naples, with Umbria and the Marches, added to 
Victor Emmanuel's Kingdom (i860). — The adventurous daring 
of the hero Garibaldi now added Sicily and Naples, and indirectly 
Umbria and the Marches, to the possessions of Victor Emmanuel, 
and changed the kingdom of Sardinia into the kingdom of 
Italy. 

These momentous events took place under the following cir- 
cumstances. In i860 the subjects of the Bourbon Francis II, 
king cf the Two Sicilies, rose in revolt. Victor Emmanuel and 
his minister Cavour were in sympathy with the movement, yet 
dared not send the insurgents aid through fear that such action 
would arouse the jealousy of Austria and of France. But Gari- 
baldi, untrammeled by any such considerations and favored by 
the connivance of the Sardinian government, having gathered a 
band of a thousand volunteers, set sail from Genoa for Sicily, 
where upon landing he assumed the title of Dictator of Sicily for 
Victor Emmanuel, King of Italy, and quickly drove the troops of 
King Francis out of the island. Then crossing to the mainland, 



VENETIA ADDED TO THE KINGDOM 



49 



he marched triumphantly to Naples, whose inhabitants hailed him 
tumultuously as their deliverer. The friends of Italian unity were 
beside themselves with joy. 

But Garibaldi's rashness was creating a situation which threat- 
ened to bring about intervention by France and Austria, and 
perhaps by other powers. Count Cavour saw that the time had 
come for the Sardinian government to assume guidance of the 
revolutionary movement. The papal territories of Umbria and 
the Marches were accordingly occupied by a Sardinian army, 
which then marched southward and, by the capture after a long 
siege of the Neapolitan strong- 
hold of Gaeta, completed the 
work of the Garibaldian volun- 
teers. Meanwhile, a plebiscite, 
or popular vote, having been 
ordered, Umbria, the Marches, 
Naples, and Sicily voted almost 
unanimously for annexation to 
the Sardinian kingdom. 

Thus was another long step 
taken in the unification of Italy. 
Nine millions more of Italians 
had become the subjects of 
Victor Emmanuel. There was 
now wanting to the complete 
union of Italy only Venetia and Rome with the lands in the 
immediate neighborhood of the city, known as the " Patrimony 
of Saint Peter." 

53. Venetia added to the Kingdom (1866). — The Seven Weeks' 
War (sec. 67), which broke out between Prussia and Austria in 
1866, afforded the Italian patriots the opportunity for which they 
were watching to make Venetia a part of the kingdom of Italy. 
Victor Emmanuel formed an alliance with the king of Prussia, 
one of the conditions of which was that no peace should be 
made with Austria until she had surrendered Venetia to Italy. 
The speedy issue of the war added the coveted territory to the 




Fig. 8. — Garibaldi. (From 
an engraving) 



50 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

dominions of Victor Emmanuel. Rome alone was now lacking 
to the virtually complete unification of Italy. 2 

54. Rome becomes the Capital (1870). — After the liberation of 
Naples and Sicily the city of Turin, the old capital of the Sar- 
dinian kingdom, was made the capital of the new kingdom of 
Italy. In 1865 the seat of government was transferred to Flor- 
ence ; but the Italians looked forward to the time when Rome, 
the ancient mistress of the peninsula and of the world, should be 
their capital. The power of the Pope, however, was upheld by 
the French, who maintained a garrison in the Papal States from 
1849 to 1870, and this made it impossible for the Italians to 
have their will in this matter without a conflict with France. 

But events soon gave the coveted capital to the Italian govern- 
ment. In 1870 came the sharp, quick war between France and 
Prussia, and the French troops at Rome were hastily summoned 
home. Upon the overthrow of the French monarchy and the 
establishment of the republic, Victor Emmanuel was informed 
that France would no longer sustain the papal power. The Italian 
government at once gave notice to the Pope that Rome would 
henceforth be considered a portion of the kingdom of Italy, and 
forthwith an Italian army entered the city, which by a vote of 
almost a hundred to one 3 resolved to cast in its lot with that 
of the Italian nation. 

The family was now complete. Italy was a nation — and the 
only great nation in Europe " made not by conquest but by con- 
sent." July 2, 187 1, Victor Emmanuel himself entered Rome 
and took up his official residence there. Since then the Eternal 
City has been the seat of the national government, — the capital 
of a free and united Italy. 4 

2 Some Italian patriots refuse to regard the unification of Italy as complete until 
Trieste and the Tyrol, together with Malta and Corsica, which provinces and islands 
are largely Italian in blood and speech, shall have been annexed to the Italian king- 
dom. To them these essentially Italian lands under foreign rule are " unredeemed 
Italy" {Italia irredenta). 

3 Exactly 133,681 to 1507. 

4 Victor Emmanuel II died in 1878, and his son came to the throne with the title 
of Humbert I. He was assassinated in 1900, and was succeeded by his only son, 
Victor Emmanuel III. 



END OF TEMPORAL POWER OF PAPACY 51 

55. End of the Temporal Power of the Papacy. — The occupa- 
tion of Rome by the Italian government marked the end of the 
temporal power of the Pope, and the end of an ecclesiastical 
state, the last in Europe, which from long before Charlemagne 
had held a place among the temporal powers of Europe, and 
during all that period had been a potent factor in the political 
affairs not only of Italy but of almost the whole continent. The 
papal troops, with the exception of a few guardsmen, were dis- 
banded. The Vatican palace and some other buildings with their 
grounds were reserved to the Pope as a place of residence, to- 
gether with a yearly allowance of over six million dollars. By a 
statute known as the Law of the Papal Guarantees (187 1), the 
Pope was secured in the free exercise of his spiritual functions. 

These arrangements have subsisted down to the present time. 
Under them the Pope is not to be regarded as a subject of the 
Italian government but rather as a sovereign residing at Rome. 
Like a sovereign he has the right to send and to receive embas- 
sies. His person is inviolable. No Italian officer may enter the 
Vatican or its grounds, which the Italian government respects the 
same as though they were foreign territory. 5 

56. The Vatican and the Quirinal : 6 the Roman Question. — 
The popes 7 have steadily refused to recognize the legitimacy of 
the act whereby they were deprived of the temporal government 
of Rome and the Papal States, and have protested against it by 
refraining from setting foot outside the gardens of the Vatican, 
by refusing to accept the annuity provided for them, and in 
various other ways. 

5 It is a matter worthy of note that just a few months before the loss of his tem- 
poral sovereignty a great ecumenical council of the Catholic Church (the Vatican 
Council of 1869-1870) had by a solemn vote proclaimed the doctrine of papal infalli- 
bility, which declares the decisions of the Pope, when speaking ex cathedra, " on 
questions of faith and morals," to be infallible. 

6 The Palace of the Quirinal at Rome contains the offices of the Italian govern- 
ment, and thus the term Quirinal typifies the secular as the term Vatican typifies 
the spiritual power in Italy. 

7 Pius IX died in 1878 and was followed in the pontificate by Leo XIII, who died 
July 20, 1903, at the patriarchal age of ninety-three, after having won a place among 
the greatest and the best of the popes. The College of Cardinals elected as his suc- 
cessor Cardinal Joseph Sarto, Patriarch of Venice, who assumed the title of Pius X. 



52 



NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 



The partisans of the Papacy maintain that the act of dispos- 
session was an act of impious spoliation, and that there can be 
no settlement of the Roman question save through the restora- 
tion of the Pope to his former status as an independent temporal 
sovereign. They contend that only through the possession of 
temporal power can the Pope be secure in his independence as 

the spiritual head of 
Catholic Christen- 
dom. They demand, 
therefore, the retro- 
cession to the holy 
see of at least the 
city of Rome, — 
maintaining that 
either Turin or Flor- 
ence or Venice or 
Naples would serve 
as well as Rome for 
the seat of the Italian 
government. 

To these censures 
and demands of the 
papal party the 
friends of the mon- 
archy reply that the 
extension of the 
authority of the 
Italian government over Rome and the papal territories was justi- 
fied by the modern principle of nationality, which recognizes in 
every people the right to choose their form of government and to 
shape their own destiny. 

As to the removal of the seat of the Italian government from 
Rome to some other city of the peninsula, they maintain that 
the force of unique historical associations and race traditions and 
memories make Rome the logical and inevitable capital of a 
united Italy. 




Fig. 9. — Pope Pius X. (From a photograph) 



REFORM AND PROGRESS 



53 



The long and heated controversy has had lamentable conse- 
quences for Italy. It has called into existence two bitterly hostile 
parties ; it has hampered the Italian government in many of its 
policies of reform ; and at different times it has even imperiled 
the very existence of the monarchy. 

57. Doubtful National Policies ; Reform and Progress. — Other 
things have concurred with the antagonism between the Vatican 
and the Quirinal to retard Italy's progress under the new regime. 
Among these hindrances may be reckoned an ill-advised colonial 
policy (sec. 95, n. 18) and an unfortunate yet natural ambition 
to play the role of a great European power, both of which have 
caused the government to neglect domestic concerns and to 
burden the country with the maintenance of an army and a navy 
altogether disproportioned to its needs and to its strength. 

Yet, notwithstanding these hindrances to national progress, 
very much has been accomplished since the winning of inde- 
pendence and nationality. Brigandage, an element of the bad 
heritage from the time of servitude, oppression, and disunion, 
has been in a great degree suppressed ; railways have been built ; 
the Alps have been tunneled ; the healthfulness of the Campagna 
and other districts has been increased by extensive systems of 
drainage, and regions long given over to desolation have been 
made habitable and productive ; the dense ignorance and the 
deep moral degradation of the masses, particularly in the south- 
ern parts of the peninsula, — another element of the evil inherit- 
ance from the past, — have been in a measure overcome and 
relieved by a public system of education; and Rome has been 
rebuilt and from the position of a mean provincial town raised 
to a place among the great capitals of modern Europe. 

As to the progress made during the last thirty years in the 
development of the sentiment of nationality, upon the strength 
of which depend the peace, permanency, and prosperity of the 
new kingdom of Italy, a recent disaster furnishes a milestone by 
which to measure advance. In 1902 the great historic campanile 
which dominated St. Mark's in Venice fell in a pathetic heap of 
ruins. Every city of the peninsula, says a chronicler of the event, 



54 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

mourned just as if the tower had been its own, — " and then they 
opened a subscription." Had the catastrophe happened a single 
generation ago, Venice would have had to restore her own bell 
tower ; but Italy is to-day a Nation, and the misfortune which 
befalls any Italian city afflicts all alike. 

Selections from the Sources. — Mazzini, Life and Writings ; should 
be read by all those whose souls, to use one of Mazzini's own phrases, 
need to be retempered in abhorrence of tyranny. Della Rocca, The Auto- 
biography of a Veteran,- 1807-1893 ; a narrative of simplicity and charm. 

Secondary Works. — Probyn, Italy : from the Fall of Napoleon I, in 
1815, to the year 7800, and Stillman, The Union of Italy, 18/5-1805. 
The first of these affords the best short account for young readers ; the 
second is the best for a careful study. Martinengo Cesaresco, The 
Liberation of Italy, 18 15-1870 ; also by the same writer, Cavour. Thayer, 
The Dawn of Italian Independence. Mazade, Life of Cavonr. Dicey, 
Victor Emmanuel. King, Mazzini. VENTURi,foseph Mazzini. Gallenga, 
The Pope and the King ; The War betzveen Church and State in Italy. 

Topics for Class Reports. — 1. The little republic of San Marino. 
2. Joseph Mazzini. 3. Count Cavour. 4. The Mont Cenis tunnel. 
5. The Quirinal and the Vatican. 



CHAPTER VI 

THE MAKING OF THE NEW GERMAN EMPIRE 

58. Formation of the German Confederation (18 15). — The 
creation of the new German Empire is the most important 
matter in the political history of Europe since Waterloo. The 
story of this great achievement affords a most instructive com- 
mentary upon the outworkings of the principles of the Revolu- 
tion, — the principles of popular sovereignty and nationality. It 
tells how nearly forty autocratically governed and practically 
sovereign states, German in speech and blood, which had been 
long separated by the policy of their divine-right rulers or by 
the circumstances of history, won free institutions and united to 
form a true German fatherland. 

This story, so far as it will be narrated in the present chapter, 
begins with the Congress of Vienna. That body reorganized Ger- 
many as a Confederation, with the Emperor of Austria as Presi- 
dent of the league. The union consisted of the Austrian Empire 
and the four kingdoms of Prussia, Bavaria, Saxony, and Wurtem- 
berg, besides various principalities and free cities, — in all, thirty- 
nine states. A Diet formed of delegates from the several states, 
and sitting at Frankfort-on-the-Main, was to settle all questions 
of dispute arising between members of the Confederation, and to 
determine matters of general concern. The league was to main- 
tain an army of three hundred thousand men, the commanders of 
which were to be chosen by the Diet. In all matters concern- 
ing itself alone, each state was to retain its independence. It 
might carry on war with foreign states or enter into alliance with 
them, but it must do nothing to harm the Confederation or any 
member of it. 

The articles of union, in a spirit of concession to the growing 
sentiment of the times, provided that all sects of Christians should 

55 



56 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

enjoy equal toleration, and that every state should establish a 
representative form of government. 

59. Defects and Weaknesses of the Confederation. — The ties 
uniting the various states of this Confederation could hardly have 
been more lax. In this respect the league resembled that first 
formed by the American states under the Articles of Confedera- 
tion. One chief defect of the constitution of the league lurked in 
the provisions concerning the Federal Diet. The unwillingness of 
the several states to surrender any part of their sovereignty had led 
to the insertion of the rule that no measure of first importance 
should be adopted by the Diet save by a unanimous vote. The 
inevitable result of this provision was that no measure of first 
importance was ever passed by the assembly, which became 
throughout Europe a byword for hopeless inefficiency. 

Another defect in the federal government was that, as in the 
case of the American Federation, there existed no effective 
machinery for carrying out the acts of the Federal Diet. These 
amounted practically to nothing more than recommendations to 
the rulers of the several states, who paid no heed whatsoever to 
them unless they chanced to be in line with their own policies or 
inclinations. 

But what contributed more than all else to render the federal 
scheme wholly unworkable was the presence in the league of two 
powerful and mutually jealous states, Austria and Prussia, neither 
of which was willing that the other should have predominance in 
the affairs of the Confederation. 

Of these two rival states Prussia, though at first she yielded 
nominal precedence to Austria, which had a great past and enjoyed 
a vast prestige at the European courts, was in reality the stronger 
and the more promising state. Her strength lay particularly in the 
essentially German character of her population. Austria was inher- 
ently weak because of the mixed non-German character of most of 
the territories that had been gradually united under the rule of the 
Hapsburgs. The greater part of their lands lay outside of the 
German Confederation and contained nearly twenty-five million 
Slavs, Magyars, Italians, and other non-German subjects. 



METTERNICH AND REACTION 



57 



This difference in the character of the populations of Prussia 
and the Austrian Empire foreshadowed their divergent destinies, 
— foreshadowed that Austria should lose and that Prussia should 
gain the leadership in German affairs. 

60. The Dual Movement towards Freedom and Union; Metter- 
nich and the Absolutist Reaction. — For a half century after the 
Congress of Vienna the history of Germany is the history of a 
dual movement, or perhaps it would be better to say two move- 
ments, one democratic and the other national in character. The 
aim of the first movement was the establishment of representative 
government in the different states of the Confederation ; the aim of 
the second was German unity. These movements were essentially 
the same as those which we have seen creating in the Italian pen- 
insula a free and united Italy. They were to have the same issue 
here in Germany, — the creation of a free and united German 
fatherland. 

It was the democratic sentiment, the desire for free institu- 
tions, which first made itself felt. Several of the princes of the 
smaller states, in particular of those states along the Rhine which 
had been most directly under French influence, yielding to the 
popular demand, granted their subjects constitutions or created 
representative bodies with limited powers. 

Metternich, who controlled the policies of the Austrian govern- 
ment, did not approve of the action of these liberal-minded rulers. 
He bade them remember that all the terrible trouble in France 
had begun with the assembling of the States-General, and sol- 
emnly adjured them not to commit such an unpardonable error as 
Louis XVI committed in allowing that body to come together. 
Several of the princes who had instituted representative govern- 
ment were frightened into withdrawing the constitutions they had 
granted and were persuaded to return to the safe and tried system 
of government by the sole will of the sovereign. 

61. The Revolutions of 1830; Some Gains for Constitutional 
Government. — We have seen what were the consequences of the 
reactionary policy of the Bourbons in France and of the despots 
in Italy. Events ran exactly the same course in Germany. When 



58 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

the news of the February Revolution in Paris spread beyond the 
Rhine, a sympathetic thrill shot through Germany, and in places 
the Liberal party made threatening demonstrations against their 
reactionary rulers. In several of the minor states constitutions 
were granted. 

Thus a little was gained for free political institutions, though 
after the flutter of the revolutionary years the princes again took 
up their reactionary policy, and under the influence of Metter- 
nich did all in their power to check the popular movement and 
to keep governmental matters out of the hands of the people. 

62. Formation of the Customs Union; First Step towards 
German Unity (1828-1836). — It was just at this revolutionary 
epoch that the first step was taken in the formation of a real 
German nation. Under the Act of Confederation of 18 15 the 
members of the Germanic body were situated in respect to inter- 
state trade almost precisely as the American colonies were under 
the Articles of Confederation of 1781. And as it was the neces- 
sity of some general regulations in regard to commerce that 
impelled the American states to form a closer union, so it was 
the same necessity which now led the loosely confederated states 
of Germany to enter into an arrangement known as the Zollverein, 
or Customs Union. This was a sort of commercial treaty binding 
those states that became parties to it — by the year 1836 almost 
all the states of the Confederation save Austria had become mem- 
bers of the league — to adopt among themselves the policy of 
free trade ; that is, there were to be no duties levied on goods 
passing from one state of the Union to another belonging to it. 

The greatest good resulting from the Union was that it taught 
the people to think of a more perfect national union. And as 
Prussia was the promoter of the trade confederation, it accus- 
tomed the smaller states to look to her as their head and chief. 

63. The Uprisings of 1848; Further Gains for Constitutional 
Government. — The history of Germany from the uprising of 
1830 to that of 1848 may be summarized by saying that during 
all these years the people were steadily growing more and more 
earnest in their demands for liberal forms of government, while 



THE UPRISINGS OF 1848 59 

most of the princes, strangely blind to the spirit and tendency of 
the times, were stubbornly refusing all concessions that should 
take from them any of their power as absolute rulers. In some 
instances the constitutions already granted were annulled or 
their articles were disregarded. 

Finally, in 1848, news flew across the Rhine of the uprising in 
France against the reactionary government of Louis Philippe, and 
of the establishment by the French people of a new republic. 
The intelligence kindled a flame of excitement throughout Ger- 
many. The Liberals everywhere arose and demanded constitutional 
government. Almost all the princes of the minor states yielded to 
the popular clamor and straightway adopted the liberal measures 
and instituted the reforms demanded. In Austria and Prussia, 
however, the party of reform carried their point only after demon- 
strations that issued in bloodshed. 

Especially in Austria did affairs at this epoch assume a most 
threatening aspect. 1 Metternich was obliged to flee the country. 
He went to England, whither Louis Philippe had just preceded 
him. The Emperor Ferdinand I abdicated in favor of his nephew 
Francis Joseph (Dec. 2, 1848), who granted the people a con- 
stitution and assented to the calling of a national assembly to 
be formed of representatives from all his hereditary dominions, 
chosen by popular vote. 2 

At the Prussian capital Berlin there was serious fighting in the 
streets between the people and the soldiers, and the excitement 
was not quieted until the king, Frederick William IV, assured 
the people that their demands for constitutional government 
should be granted. In fulfillment of this promise the king granted 
a constitution and took an oath to rule in accord with its pro- 
visions (Feb. 6, 1850). Prussia thus joined the ranks of constitu- 
tional states. This state was now to play in the unification of 

1 The most serious trouble was in Hungary. Led by the distinguished statesman 
and orator Louis Kossuth, the Hungarians rose in revolt and declared their independ- 
ence of the Austrian crown (April 14, 1849). They made a noble fight for freedom, 
but were overpowered by the united Austrian and Russian armies. Kossuth escaped 
into Turkey. He died in exile at Turin in 1894. 

2 The Austrian constitution was withdrawn in 185 1. 



i-pi 



60 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

Germany a part like that played by the constitutional state of 
Piedmont in the unification of Italy. Henceforth Prussian history 
is German history. 3 

64. Bismarck, the Unifier of Germany. — In the year 1861 
Frederick William IV of Prussia died, and his brother, already an 
old man of sixty-three, yet destined to be for almost a generation 
the central figure in the movement for German unity, came to the 
Prussian throne as William I. He soon called to his side Otto 
von Bismarck as Premier and Minister of Foreign Affairs. Bis- 
marck was one of Germany's greatest sons, — the greatest since 
Frederick the Great or Luther. He was a man of titanic mold 
in body and intellect, of imperious will and iron resolution. He 
was the German Cromwell. His appearance at the head of the 
Prussian government marks an epoch in history. " W T ith that day," 
writes Sybel, speaking of Bismarck's accession to power, " a new 
era did in truth begin for Prussia and Germany and so for Europe." 

Bismarck believed that it was Prussia's mission to effect the 
unification of the German fatherland. This work he was con- 
vinced could be accomplished only through the Prussian royal 
house. Hence he was a royalist, — in truth, almost an absolutist. 
He believed that to allow the royal power in Prussia to be 
reduced to the condition of the royal power in England would 
be to destroy the sole instrument by means of which German 
unity could be wrought out. This conviction determined Bis- 
marck's attitude towards the Prussian Parliament when it came 
in conflict with the royal power. He flouted it and trampled 
it under foot. He was known as the " Parliament tamer." Nat- 
urally he was distrusted and hated by the Liberals. 

Bismarck saw clearly enough how the vexed question between 
Austria and Prussia was to be settled, — " by blood and iron." 

3 About this same time the growing desire for German nationality expressed itself 
in an attempt to bind the German states in a closer union by means of a real national 
parliament to take the place of the inefficient Diet created by the Act of Confedera- 
tion in 1815. To this end there met in Frankfort, May 18, 1848, a Constituent Assem- 
bly, the members of which had been elected in the different states by popular vote, 
which, like the Constituent Assembly of *&?q in France, was charged with the duty 
of framing a national constitution for the German states. Nothing was accomplished 
by the meeting. 



THE REFORM OF THE PRUSSIAN ARMY 



6l 



Austria's power and influence must be destroyed and she herself 
forcibly expelled from Germany before the German states could 
be remolded into a real national union. 

65. The Reform of the Prussian Army; Bismarck's Conflict 
with the Prussian Parliament. — It had been King William's 
policy to reform and 
strengthen the Prus- 
sian army. He had 
selected Bismarck 
as his prime minister 
because he knew he 
would carry out this 
policy in the face 
of the opposition of 
the Prussian House 
of Representatives. 
That body would 
not vote the neces- 
sary taxes. Bismarck 
held that it was their 
duty to make the 
necessary appropri- 
ations for the army, 
and when they per- 
sisted in withhold- 
ing grants of money 




Fig. 10. — Prince Bismarck 
(After a painting by Franz von Lenbacli) 



he, backed by his sovereign and the House of Lords, raised with- 
out parliamentary sanction what money he needed for his army 
reforms. 

It was a bold and dangerous procedure, and has been likened 
to that followed by Charles I and Strafford in England. For- 
tunately for King William and his imperious minister the policy 
proved highly successful, issuing in Prussia's predominance in 
Germany and in German unity, — and the " Parliament tamer" 
and his master escaped the fate of the English king and his 
minister. 



62 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

66. The Schleswig-Holstein War (1864). — The weapon which 
Bismarck had forged was used in three wars. The first of these 
was the Schleswig-Holstein War. Holstein was a German duchy 
held by the Danish king, just as the first sovereigns of the present 
dynasty in England held Hanover. When, in 1863, Frederick VII 
of Denmark died, the male line of the royal family became 
extinct, and it was held by the Germans that now this duchy 
and also Schleswig — for an old treaty was regarded as having 
made the duchies inseparable — should become entirely free of 
the Danish crown, just as Hanover dropped away from England 
upon the death of William IV and the accession of Victoria in 
1837. The dispute soon ripened into war between Austria and 
Prussia and the new Danish king, Christian IX. Denmark was 
overpowered and forced to resign her claims to the duchies. 

Straightway the duchies became a bone of contention between 
Austria and Prussia. Bismarck was bent on annexing them to 
Prussia, since they would be a most valuable possession for her 
as a prospective sea power, giving her as they would the harbor 
of Kiel and control of a proposed canal uniting the Baltic and 
the North Sea. Austria w r as determined that her rival should not 
get them unless she received compensation in some form, — a 
bit of Silesia, and the promise of Prussia's help in case she had 
difficulty with her troublesome non-German provinces. 

There was endless controversy over the matter. Bismarck 
realized that Prussia could secure the coveted prize only through 
war with Austria, and to this extreme he was ready to go, since 
a war would settle not only the question respecting the ownership 
of the duchies but also the larger question as to Austrian or 
Prussian predominance in Germany. The hopelessly entangled 
Gordian knot was to be cut by the sword. 

67. The Austro-Prussian or Seven Weeks' War (1866). — Both 
Austria and Prussia began to arm. Bismarck secured the neu- 
trality of France by permitting Emperor Napoleon to believe 
that if Prussia secured additional territory by the war, France 
would be allowed to appropriate Belgium or some Rhenish lands 
as a compensation. 



THE AUSTRO-PRUSSIAN WAR 



63 



He also made a ready ally of Italy by engaging that in the 
event of a successful issue of the war the new Italian kingdom 
should in return for its alliance receive Venetia (sec. 53). Bids 
in the form of various proposals and promises were also made by 
Bismarck for the alliance of the smaller German states ; but almost 
all ranged themselves on the side of Austria, so that in spite of 
the Italian alliance it seemed like an unequal contest into which 
Prussia was venturing, since her population was not more than 
a third of that of the states which were likely to be arrayed 
against her. 

But Bismarck had been preparing Prussia for the struggle which 
he had long foreseen, and now the little kingdom, with the best 
disciplined army in the world, equipped with breech-loading needle 
guns and headed by the great commander Von Moltke, was to 
astonish the world by a repetition of her achievements under 
Frederick the Great. 

The war was carried on at once in three quarters, in the 

South German states, in the Austrian territory of Bohemia, and 
in Italy. We need follow only the campaign in Bohemia. Here 
on the 3d of July, 1866, was fought the great battle of Sadowa, 
or Koniggratz, in which two hundred and twenty-two thousand 
Austrians were engaged with two hundred and twenty-one thou- 
sand Prussians. This was one of the great and decisive battles 
of history. It was Austria's Waterloo. The Prussians pushing on 
towards Vienna, the Emperor Francis Joseph was constrained to 
sue for peace, and on the 23d of August the Treaty of Prague 
was signed. 4 

The long debate between Austria and Prussia was over. By 
the terms of the treaty Austria consented to the dissolution of the 
old German Confederation and agreed to allow Prussia to reor- 
ganize the German states as she might wish. At the same time 
she surrendered Venetia to the Italian kingdom. The hindrances 

4 The fear of French intervention hastened the negotiations on the part of the 
Prussian court. Since Emperor Napoleon as the price of his consent to Italian 
unity had received Savoy and Nice (sec. 51), so now he thought to wring from Ger- 
many some Rhine lands as the price of his consent to German unity. 



64 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

she had so long placed in the way both of German and of Italian 
unity were now finally removed. 

68. Establishment of the North German Confederation (1867). 
— Now quickly followed the reorganization under the presidency 
of Prussia of the German states north of the Main into what was 
called the North German Confederation. There were twenty-one 
states in all, reckoning the three free cities of Hamburg, Bremen, and 
Liibeck. The domains of Prussia were enlarged by the annexation 
of Hanover, Hesse-Cassel, Nassau, the free city Frankfort, and the 
duchies of Schleswig and Holstein. These annexations gave the 
Prussian king nearly five million new subjects and united into a fairly 
compact dominion his heretofore severed and scattered territories. 

A constitution was adopted which provided that all common 
concerns should be committed to a Federal Parliament or Diet, 
the members of the lower house of which were to be chosen by 
universal suffrage in the different states. The Prussian king was 
to be the hereditary executive of the Confederation, and the 
commander-in-chief of all the military forces of the several states. 

Thus was a long step taken towards German unity. Bismarck's 
policy of " blood and iron," though seemingly rough and brutal, 
now promised to prove a cure indeed for all of Germany's troubles. 
Though so much had been effected, there was still remaining 
much to be desired. The states to the south of the Main — 
Baden, Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, and Hesse-Darmstadt — were yet 
wanting to complete the unification of the fatherland. 

A chief obstacle which had prevented the South German states 
from being brought into the new union was French jealousy. The 
Emperor Napoleon had insisted that the river Main should form 
the southern boundary of the Confederation of the North. He 
had thought that the South German states would form a union 
among themselves and look to him as their champion against 
Prussian aggression. Thus he hoped to be able to maintain the 
traditional position of France as arbiter of German affairs. 

69. The Franco-Prussian War (1 870-1 871). — The Austro- 
Prussian War had laid the basis of a Franco -Prussian War. It 
has just been seen how German unity had come short of complete 



THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR 65 

accomplishment partly through the officious intermeddling of the 
Emperor Napoleon. But it was intolerable to German patriots, 
now that the sentiment of German nationality was growing stronger, 
that France should be allowed to dictate to Germans respecting 
their internal affairs, and should stand between them and their 
national destiny. 

On the other hand, it seemed intolerable to the French that a 
strong German Empire should be allowed to arise right on the 
frontier of France, and that by this new upstart power France 
should be shouldered from her historic position as arbiter of 
Europe. All her old jealous hatred of the House of Hapsburg was 
now transferred to the rising House of Hohenzollern. France 
awaited simply a pretext for attacking her new rival and prevent- 
ing by force the consummation of German unity under Prussian 
headship. 

She had not long to wait. In 1869 the throne of Spain became 
vacant. It was offered to Leopold, a member of the Hohenzollern 
family. The Emperor Napoleon III affected to see in this a 
scheme on the part of the House of Hohenzollern to unite the 
interests of Prussia and Spain, just as Austria and Spain were 
united, with such disastrous consequences to the peace of Europe, 
under the princes of the House of Hapsburg. Even after Leo- 
pold, to avoid displeasing France, had declined the proffered 
crown, the Emperor Napoleon demanded of King William assur- 
ance that no member of the House of Hohenzollern should ever 
with his consent become a candidate for the Spanish throne. 

This most unreasonable demand was made of King William by 
the French ambassador Benedetti at the little watering place of 
Ems. The king courteously refused the demand and then sent 
a telegram to Bismarck informing him of what had occurred, at 
the same time giving him permission to make such use of the 
message as he saw fit. Bismarck edited the telegram in such a 
way as to convey the impression that the French ambassador had 
been brusquely dismissed by King William, and then gave it out 
for publication. The French people were wild with rage. War 
was now inevitable. 



66 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

The important thing to be noted here is the enthusiasm that 
the war awakened not only throughout the states of the North 
German Confederation but among the states of the South as well, 
which placed their armies at the disposal of King William. The 
cause was looked upon as a national one, and a patriotic fervor 
stirred the hearts of all Germans alike. 5 

Probably the world had never seen a more perfect instrument 
of war than Prussia had forged and now launched against France. 
In the matter of the mobilization and transportation of the troops 
everything had been thought out and prearranged to the minutest 
detail. Nothing had been left to chance. Every emergency had 
been foreseen. It is said that of a hundred and fifty trains, loaded 
with a hundred and fifty thousand soldiers, dispatched to the 
French frontier, not one was a minute late. This was in striking 
contrast to the state of unreadiness and confusion on the French 
side, where regiments were sent forward without their arms, and 
bewildered generals were telegraphing hither and thither in a 
frenzied search for their lost commands. 6 

70. The Proclamation of the New German Empire (1871). — 
The astonishing successes of the German armies on French soil 
(sec. 11) created among Germans everywhere such patriotic pride 
in the fatherland that all the obstacles which had hitherto pre- 
vented anything more than a partial union of the members of the 
Germanic body were now swept out of the way by an irresistible 
tide of national sentiment. 

5 Bismarck had made public Napoleon's request for Hesse and Rhenish Bavaria 
at the time of the Austro-Prussian War. These revelations had created a tremen- 
dous sentiment against France throughout Germany. 

6 There was a deep underlying cause of the superiority of the German army over 
the French which is worth noting. In the dark days which followed the battle of Jena 
in the time of the first Napoleon, the statesmen intrusted with devising means for 
Prussia's regeneration turned to education as the surest agency for the quickening 
and strengthening of the Prussian nation. It was her system of education, quite as 
much as her system of universal military service, which had given Prussia her strength 
and which was now leading her to these high places. It is told how the Prussian 
soldiers on the way to Sadowa relieved the tedium of the march by discussing the 
Dialogues of Plato; and how in 1870 these same student soldiers, with philological 
leanings, found amusement in publishing a favorite song in thirty-two different lan- 
guages. Beyond question these Prussian bayonets met Mazzini's requirement for 
bayonets, — that they should have ideas at their point. 



PROCLAMATION OF THE GERMAN EMPIRE 6? 



While the siege of Paris was progressing, commissioners were 
sent by the southern states to Versailles, the headquarters of King 
William, to represent to him that they were ready and anxious to 
enter the North German union. Thus in rapid succession Baden, 




Fig. 11. — Proclamation of King William as Emperor of 
Germany at Versailles, January, 1871. (After a painting 
by Anton von Werner, Prussian court painter) 

Hesse, Wiirtemberg, and Bavaria were received into the Confeder- 
ation, the name of which was now changed to that of the German 
Confederation. 

Scarcely was this accomplished when, upon the suggestion of 
the king of Bavaria, — who had been coached by Bismarck, — 
King William, who now bore the title of President of the Con- 
federation, was given the title of German Emperor, which honor 
was to be hereditary in his family. On the 18th of January, 1871, 
within the palace of Versailles, — the siege of Paris being still in 
progress, — amidst indescribable enthusiasm the imperial dignity 
was formally conferred upon King William, and Germany became 
a constitutional Empire. 7 

7 The new German Empire constitutes a federal state belonging to the same class 
of political organizations as the United States, Switzerland, Canada, and the newly 
formed Australian Commonwealth. Aside from the monarchical hereditary character 
of the federal executive and of the executive of each of the various principalities, it 



68 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

Thus amidst the throes of war the free German nation was 
born. The German people, after long centuries of division and 
servitude, had at last found freedom and unity. 8 

71. The Cession to Germany of Alsace and Lorraine. — The 
essential provisions of the treaty between France and Germany 
have already been given (sec. 11). The cession to Germany of 
Alsace and Lorraine is the only matter connected with these 
momentous transactions upon which space will allow us here to 
comment anew. 

In insisting upon the surrender of these provinces, which were 
and which still remain passionately French in sympathy and senti- 
ment, although only partly French in blood, Bismarck has been 
severely censured, since this seems a gross violation of the modern 
principle of nationality, particularly as the inhabitants of the ceded 
territories were not allowed to have any voice in the question of 
their transference. But Bismarck reasoned that moral guarantees, 
such as French gratitude for lenient treatment after defeat, would 
prove worthless ; that French wounded vanity would impel France 
again to attack Germany when a favorable opportunity occurred, 
and that consequently Germany must have material guarantees. 
" These guarantees," said Bismarck, " we can secure only by push- 
ing the frontier, the starting point of French attacks, farther back 
to the West, and causing those fortresses which have hitherto 
threatened us to be placed as defensive bulwarks in the hands 
of Germany." 

72. Later Events. — For nearly twenty years after the close 
of the Franco-Prussian War the policy of the new Empire was 
directed by Bismarck as the first Imperial Chancellor. We can 

differs from our Union in there being no sort of equality in size between the states 
constituting the Empire, Prussia exceeding in population all the other states of the 
union taken together. (According to the census of 1900 the population of Prussia 
was 34,472,509; that of all the other states, including Alsace-Lorraine, was 21,894,- 
669.) Again, it differs from our federal system by leaving to the different states in 
large measure the carrying out of the federal laws. 

8 There is, however, something lacking in the union. There are nine million 
persons of German speech and German blood in the Austrian Empire. Whether these 
Germans shall ever come to form part of the German nation remains for the future 
to determine. 



LATER EVENTS 



69 



here indicate only two or three of the most noteworthy matters 
belonging to this period of the great Chancellor's rule. 

Special interest attaches to the so-called Kulturkampf, which 
was a long, bitter struggle carried on by Bismarck with the Roman 
see. The papal party was hostile to the new German Empire 
because it gave predominance in Germany to Protestant Prussia. 
Very soon there was open conflict between the civil and the 
ecclesiastical authorities. Bismarck secured the passage of laws, 
both by the imperial and the Prussian Parliament, in restraint 
of the power of the Catholic clergy. The Pope declared the 
laws null and void. The fight grew in bitterness and recalled to 
mind the struggle between Pope Gregory VII and the Emperor 
Henry IV. Bismarck declared, "We shall not go to Canossa." 
But he did go, at least part way, for in order to secure Catholic 
support for certain of his policies, he entered into a compromise 
with the Papacy, and the strife between State and Church was 
finally stilled (1887). 

In his foreign policy Bismarck's greatest achievement was the 
formation of what is known as the Triple Alliance (Dreibund) 
between the German Empire, Austria-Hungary, and Italy (1882). 
The chief objects of the Triple Alliance were to curb Russia's 
ambition in the Balkans and to hold France back from a war of 
revenge against Germany. Without doubt this league has been 
one of the most potent factors making for the peace of Europe 
during the last two decades. 

In 1888 Emperor William I died at the venerable age of ninety- 
one. His death moved profoundly the German nation. His reign 
had covered great years in German story, and he had gone with 
his people through many of the most momentous passages in their 
history. 

William I was followed by his son Frederick, who at the time 
of his accession was suffering from a fatal malady. He died after 
a short reign of three months, and his son came to the throne as 
Emperor William II (1888). 

It was generally thought that the young sovereign would be 
completely under the influence of Bismarck; but soon the 



7o 



NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 



Emperor disclosed a very imperious will of his own. His rela- 
tions with Bismarck became strained, and the aged Chancellor 
was brusquely dismissed (March 18, 1890). Many felt that the 
youthful Emperor had treated the creator of the Empire and the 

maker of the imperial fortunes 
of the House of Hohenzollern 
with gross ingratitude. On the 
other hand, the friends of the 
Emperor liken Bismarck to 
Wallenstein, and accuse him of 
"aiming at something like 
sovereign sway in a province 
appertaining to the Emperor." 9 
The young Emperor's rule 
since his dismissal of Bismarck 
has been a very personal one. 
He would have made an ideal 
divine-right king in those hal- 
cyon days for autocratic rulers 
when there were no representa- 
tive assemblies. 

The remarkable growth, in 
spite of the opposition of the 
Emperor, of the party known 
Fig. 12. — Emperor William II as the Social Democrats, who 
(From a photograph) advocate an extreme pro- 

gramme of social and industrial reform, is one of the most 
noteworthy facts connected with the domestic history of the 
Empire. 10 




9 In his retirement at Friedrichsruh, an estate which was a gift to him from the 
grateful Emperor William I, Bismarck played the part of a " German Prometheus." 
He hurled defiance at all his enemies and did not scruple to subject the policies of 
the Emperor and his ministers to the most caustic criticism. The ex-Chancellor died 
in 1898, being then in his eighty-fourth year. 

1° In 1871 this party cast a vote of about 124,000; in 1903 its vote reached the 
surprising figure of over 2,911,000, more than a third of the total vote cast. This 
registered it as the second strongest party in the Empire. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 71 

Selections from the Sources. — Translations and Reprints, vol. i, No. 3, 

for " The Act of Confederation " and other documents (ed. by James 
Harvey Robinson). Bismarck, the Man and the Statesman (being Reflec- 
tions and Reminiscences of Otto Prince von Bismarck, written and dictated 
by himself after his retirement from office ; ed. by A. J. Butler). Moltke, 
The Franco-German War, 1870-1871 (trans, by A. Forbes). 

Secondary Works. — Sybel, The Founding of the German Empire. 
Andrews, The Historical Development of Modern Europe, vol. i, chaps, vi, 
ix, and x; and vol. ii, chaps, v and vi. Henderson, A Short History of 
Germany, vol. ii, chaps, viii-x. Lowe, Prince Bismarck. Headlam, 
Bismarck and the Founding of the German Eyipire. Lowe, The German 
Emperor William II. Busch', Our Chancellor. Lowell, Governments 
and Parties in Continental Europe, vol. i, chaps, v and vi; and vol. ii, 
chap. vii. 

Topics for Class Reports. — 1. The Carlsbad Decrees. 2. Louis Kos- 
suth and the Hungarian Revolt (1848). 3. Prince Bismarck as " Parliament 
tamer." 4. Prince Leopold and the Spanish crown. 5. The A'ulturkampf. 
6. The Triple Alliance. 



CHAPTER VII 
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AFTER 1866 

73. The Reorganization of the Austrian Empire after Sadowa ; 
the Compromise between Austria and Hungary. — The disaster of 
Sadowa did for Austria what the disaster of Jena did for Prussia, 
— it brought about its political and social regeneration. 

Chastened by the bitter humiliation and realizing that the main- 
tenance of the old traditional system of absolute government was 
henceforth impossible, the Emperor Francis Joseph was now ready 
to make concessions to the national aspirations of the Magyars, 
and to yield to the growing demands of his subjects for liberal 
reforms and constitutional government. Soon after Sadowa he 
called to his aid the able Saxon statesman Count Beust and gave 
into his hands the task of reorganizing the shattered empire, just 
as after Jena King Frederick William of Prussia intrusted to Baron 
vom Stein the readjustment of Prussian affairs. 

The first step and the most important one in the process of 
reorganization was the recognition by the Austrian court of the 
claims of the Magyars to the right of equality in the monarchy 
with the hitherto dominant German race. By an agreement 
known as the Ausgleich, or Compromise, the relations of Austria 
and Hungary in the reconstituted state were defined and regulated. 
It provided for the division of the old empire into two parts, now 
designated as the Austrian Empire and the Hungarian kingdom. 1 
Each state was to have its own parliament, the one sitting at 
Vienna and the other at Budapest, and each was to have com- 
plete control of its own internal affairs. Neither was to have the 
least precedence over the other. 

The common interests of the two states — those embracing 
foreign affairs, the army, and finances — were to be regulated by 

1 The official designation of the dual state is the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. 

72 



DEPENDENT RACES IN THE MONARCHY 73 

a third peculiar parliament, the so-called "Delegations," composed 
of sixty delegates from each of the other two parliaments. The 
hereditary head of the Austrian state was to be also the constitu- 
tional king of Hungary. 

This celebrated compact was duly ratified by the parliaments of 
Hungary and Austria, and the long struggle between the Magyars 
and the House of Hapsburg was at an end. The Hungarian con- 
stitution was restored, and the same year (1867) the western half 
of the monarchy was also given a liberal constitution, and Austria- 
Hungary now definitely entered the ranks of constitutional states. 



4uu Mm 1 U4 






tr* 




' -/ 

Fig. 13. — The Parliament Building at Budapest 
(From a photograph) 

74. The Dependent Races in the Monarchy; Federalism versus 
Dualism. — The Compromise of 1867 thus reconstructed the old 
Austrian Empire as a dual monarchy, with the Germans as the 
ruling race in the western half of the state, and with the Magyars 
as the ruling race in the eastern half. It made no recognition 
whatsoever of the historic rights and liberties of the other races 
or nationalities of the monarchy, of which there are many. That 
is hardly a figure of speech which describes the Austro-Hungarian 
Monarchy as a " European Tower of Babel." In the Austrian 
Parliament the oath is administered to the members in eight 
different languages. 

Now in the eastern half of the monarchy the Magyars, who 
form only a minority of the population of the Hungarian 



74 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

kingdom, 2 but who, like the English, are a people of extraordinary 
energy and of great pride of race, are holding practically all the 
non-Magyar races of the kingdom in just such political serfdom 
as they themselves were subjected to before their emancipation 
by the events of 1866— 1867. 

It is the same in the other half of the monarchy. There a 
German minority 3 is holding the Czechs in Bohemia and the 
Poles in Galicia in a state of subjection similar to that in which 
the Magyars are holding the non-Magyar races of Hungary. 

Now these dependent nationalities claim that they have as good 
a right to self-government as have either the Germans or the 
Magyars. The relations of Ireland to England, and the resulting 
agitation on the part of the Irish people for Home Rule, will convey 
some idea of the situation of things in the dual monarchy, and of 
the turbulence created in the state by the struggles of these subject 
races for autonomy. In short, the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy 
has three or four Irish problems. 

It would seem that these contentions must end either in the 
disruption of the monarchy, or in the recognition by the two 
dominant races of the justice of the claims of these dependent 
peoples, and the conversion of the dual monarchy into a federal 
union composed of as many states as there are different nations 
or well-defined ethnic groups composing the population of the 
monarchy. At the present time (1906) the strongest bond uniting 
the different races of the monarchy is the great popularity of the 
reigning sovereign. The Emperor Francis Joseph has endeared 
himself in a remarkable degree to his people, and so long as he 
lives his personal ascendancy, in spite of the present strained 
relations between him and his Magyar subjects, will doubtless 
insure the integrity of the monarchy. 

75. The International Phase of Austro-Hungarian Questions. — 
The affairs of Austria- Hungary are almost as much a matter of 



2 The census of 1900 gives the total number of inhabitants of Hungary as 19,254,. 
559, of whom only 7,426,730 are returned as being of Hungarian race. 

3 The total population of Austria according to the census of 1900 was 26,150,708; 
the number of Germans, 9,170,939. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 



75 



European concern as are those of the Ottoman Empire. This is 
so for the reason that most of the ethnic groups within the mon- 
archy, with the exception of the Magyars, who constitute a com- 
pact and complete nation, are merely detached areas of larger 
bodies of kindred peoples in adjoining lands, and that there is a 
tendency in these small groups to gravitate towards the larger 
masses of their kindred in these neighboring countries. Thus the 
Austrian Germans are drawn towards the new German Empire ; 
the Italians in Trieste and the Tyrol towards the Italian king- 
dom ; the Rumanians of Transylvania towards the principality of 
Rumania ; the Slavs of the South towards the Balkan Slav states, 
and the Slavs of the North, in times of special discontent, towards 
Russia. Or perhaps it would be more exact to say that these neigh- 
boring states covet these Austro-Hungarian lands of kindred race 
and await an opportunity to annex them. Hence they are all 
deeply interested in everything that concerns the stability or lack 
of stability of the polyglot monarchy. 

Selection from the Sources. — Beust (Count von), Memoirs. Count 
Beust was not only the reorganizer of the Austrian Empire but also the 
inspirer of many of those liberal reforms which after 1867 gave a new and 
modern aspect to the political, social, and intellectual life of Austria. His 
Memoirs possess a deep interest for the student of the history of the tran- 
sition from the Austria of Metternich to the Austria of to-day. 

Secondary Works. — Leger, A History of Austro-Hnngary, chaps, 
xxxv-xxxviii. Lowell, Governments and Parties in Continental Europe, 
vol. ii, chaps, viii-x. Andrews, The Historical Development of Modern 
Europe, vol. ii, chaps, vii and xii. 

Topics for Class Reports. — At this point it would be well for the 
teacher to assign as subjects for special study the minor European states, 
any account of which the limitations of space have excluded from the 
text. In such assignments the following states should find a place : 
1. Greece. 2. The Balkan States. 3. Switzerland. 4. The Scandinavian 
countries. 5. Belgium. 6. The United Netherlands. 



CHAPTER VIII 
RUSSIA SINCE THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 

76. The Tsar Alexander I as a Liberal and as a Reactionist. — 

During the earlier years of his reign the Tsar Alexander I (1801- 
1825) was a zealous advocate of certain liberal ideas. It was due 
largely to his influence that the French secured a constitution upon 
the restoration of the Bourbons. He introduced many beneficent 
reforms into Russia, and even encouraged his subjects to hope 
that they should have a constitution which would give them part 
in the government. 

But conspiracies among his own subjects and the popular upris- 
ings throughout Europe all tended to create in the Tsar a revul- 
sion of feeling. From an ardent apostle of liberal ideas he was 
transformed into a violent absolutist, and spent all his latter years 
in aiding the despotic rulers of Spain, Italy, and Germany to repress 
every movement among their subjects for political freedom. 

77. The Russo-Turkish War of 1828-1829. — Alexander was 
succeeded by his brother Nicholas I (1825-1855), who, carrying 
out the later policy of his predecessor, strove to shut out from his 
empire every liberalizing influence of Western Europe. 

In 1828, taking advantage of the embarrassment of the Sultan 
through a stubborn insurrection in Greece, 1 Nicholas declared 
war against the Ottoman Porte. The Russian troops crossed the 
Balkans without serious opposition, and were marching upon 

1 This was the struggle known as the War of Greek Independence (1821-1S29). 
This war was a phase of the liberal and national movement which in the revolutionary 
year of 1821 agitated the Italian and Iberian peninsulas. Lord Byron devoted his 
life and fortune to the cause of Greek freedom. He died of fever at the siege of 
Missolonghi (1824). England, France, and Russia finally intervened. The Turko- 
Egyptian fleet was destroyed by the fleets of the allies in the bay of Navarino (1827). 
The year after this event began the Russian campaign in the Danubian provinces, as 
narrated in the text. 

76 



THE POLISH REVOLT 77 

Constantinople when the Sultan sued for peace. The Treaty of 
Adrianople brought the war to a close (1829). 

Tsar Nicholas restored his conquests in Europe, but held some 
provinces in Asia which gave him control of the eastern shore of 
the Euxine. The Turkish provinces of Moldavia and Wallachia 
were rendered virtually independent of the Sultan. All Greece 
south of Thessaly and Epirus was liberated, and along with most 
of the islands of the yEgean was formed into an independent 
kingdom under the joint guardianship of England, France, and 
Russia. Prince Otto of Bavaria accepted the crown, and became 
the first king of the little Hellenic state' 2 (1832). 

78. The Polish Revolt (1830-1832). — In accordance with a 
mandate of the Congress of Vienna, Poland was reestablished as 
a constitutional kingdom dependent upon Russia in some such way 
as Ireland was subject to England previous to the Union in 1801. 
But the rule of the Tsar over the Poles was tyrannical, and they 
were impatient of an opportunity to throw off the Russian yoke. 
The revolutionary movements of the year 1830 sent a wave of 
hope through Poland ; the people arose and drove out the Rus- 
sian garrisons. The armies of the Tsar, however, were quickly on 
the spot, and before the close of the year 1831 the Polish patriots 
were once more under the foot of their Russian master. 

It was a hard fate that awaited the unhappy nation. Their 
constitution was taken away and Poland was made a mere prov- 
ince of the Russian Empire (1832). Multitudes were banished 
to Siberia, while thousands more sought an asylum in England, 
America, and other countries. Of all the peoples that rose for 



2 In 1864 the little kingdom was enlarged through the cession to it of the Ionian 
Islands by England, in whose hands they had been since the Congress of Vienna. 
In 1 88 1 it received Thessaly and a part of Epirus by cession from Turkey, but in 
1897, as the result of an unfortunate war with the Sultan, was forced to accede to a 
treaty which gave back to the Ottoman Porte a strip of Northern Thessaly. Under 
the regime of freedom substantial progress has been made. The population of the 
little kingdom rose from 612,000 in 1832 to 2,433,806 in 1896. Industry, trade, and 
commerce have revived. The Isthmus of Corinth has been pierced by a canal. Rail- 
roads have been built. Athens has taken on the appearance of a modern capital. Its 
university has an attendance of between two and three thousand students, — a good 
omen for the future, 



78 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

freedom in 1830, none suffered so cruel and complete an extin- 
guishment of their hopes as did the patriot Poles. 3 

79. The Crimean War (1853-1856). — A celebrated parable 
employed by the Tsar Nicholas in conversation with the English 
minister at St. Petersburg throws a good deal of light upon the 
circumstances that led to the Crimean War. " We have on our 
hands," said the Tsar, " a sick man, — a very sick man ; it would 
be a great misfortune if he should give us the slip some of these 
days, especially if it happened before all the necessary arrange- 
ments were made." 

Nicholas had cultivated friendly relations with the English gov- 
ernment, and he now proposed that England and Russia should 
divide the estate of the " sick man," by which phrase Turkey of 
course was meant. England was to be allowed to take Egypt and 
Crete, while the Turkish provinces in Europe were to be taken 
under the protection of the Tsar, which meant of course the 
complete absorption, in due time, of all Southeastern Europe into 
the Russian Empire. 

A pretense for hastening the dissolution of the " sick man " was 
not long wanting. A quarrel between the Greek and Latin Chris- 
tians at Jerusalem about the holy places was made the ground by 
Nicholas for demanding of the Sultan the admission and recogni- 
tion of a Russian protectorate over all Greek Christians in the 
Ottoman dominions. The demand was rejected, and Nicholas 
prepared for war. The Sultan appealed to the Western powers 
for help. England and France responded to the appeal, and later 
Sardinia joined her forces to theirs (sec. 49). 

England fought to prevent Russia from getting through the 
Bosporus to the Mediterranean and thus endangering her route 
to her Eastern possessions. The French Emperor acted under a 
variety of motives, — a friendly feeling towards England, a desire 
to avenge Moscow, and a wish to render his recently established 
imperial throne attractive to the French people by surrounding it 
with the glamour of successful war. 

3 For Russia's part in the affairs of the revolutionary years 1848-1849, see, 
sec, 63, n. 1. 



EMANCIPATION OF THE RUSSIAN SERFS 79 

The main interest of the struggle centered about Sevastopol, in 
the Crimea, Russia's great naval and military depot in the Euxine. 
The siege of this place, which lasted eleven months, was one of 
the most memorable in history. The Russian general Todleben 
earned a great fame through his masterly defense of the works. 
The English " Light Brigade " earned immortality in its memo- 
rable charge at Balaklava. The French troops, through their dash- 
ing bravery, brought great fame to the Emperor who had sent 
them to gather glory for his throne. 

The Russians were at length forced to evacuate their stronghold. 
The war was now soon brought to an end by the Treaty of Paris 
(March 30, 1856). The keynote of this treaty was the mainte- 
nance in its integrity of the Ottoman Empire as a barrier against 
Muscovite encroachments. Russia was given back Sevastopol, 
but was required to surrender some territory at the mouth of the 
Danube ; to abandon all claims to a protectorate over any of the 
subjects of the Porte ; and to agree not to raise any more fortresses 
on the Euxine nor keep upon that sea any armed ships, save what 
might be needed for police service. 4 

80. Emancipation of the Russian Serfs (1861). — The name of 
Tsar Alexander II (1 855-1 881) will live in history as the Eman- 
cipator of the forty-six millions of Russian serfs. In order to 
render intelligible what emancipation meant for the serfs, a 
word is needed respecting the former land system in Russia and 
the personal status of the serf. 

As to the first, the estate of the lord was divided into two parts, 
the smaller of which was reserved by the proprietor for his own 
use, the larger being allotted to his serfs, who formed a village 
community known as the Mir!° 

4 Russia repudiated this article of the treaty during the Franco-Prussian War in 
1871. She has restored Sevastopol and its fortresses and is now maintaining a strong 
fleet of war ships on the Black Sea. 

5 This social and economic group affords the key to much of the history of the 
Russian people. It is the Russian counterpart of the village of serfs on the mediaeval 
manor of Western Europe. It is a cluster of a dozen or perhaps a hundred families, 
— a clan settled down to agricultural life. At the time of Peter the Great ninety- 
nine out of every hundred Russians were members of Mirs. To-day about nine 
tenths of the people live in these little villages. 



80 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

Besides working the village lands, the fruits of which were 
enjoyed by the serfs, the villagers were obliged to till the lands 
of the lord, three days in a week being the usual service required. 
The serfs were personally subject to the lord to the extent that he 
might flog them in case of disobedience, but he could not sell them 
individually as slaves are sold ; yet when he sold his estate the 
whole community of serfs passed with it to the new proprietor. 

The Emancipation Code, " the Magna Carta of the Russian 
peasant," which was promulgated in 1861, required the masters 
of the peasant serfs to give them the lands they had farmed for 
themselves, for which, however, they were to make some fixed 
return in labor or rent. 6 The lands thus acquired became the 
common property of the village. All other serfs, such as house 
servants and operatives in factories, were to gain their freedom at 
the end of two years' additional service, during which time, how- 
ever, they were to receive fair wages. 

As in the case of the emancipation of the slaves in our South- 
ern States, the emancipation of the Russian serfs has not met all 
the hopeful expectations of the friends of the reform. One cause 
of the unsatisfactory outcome of the measure is that the villagers 
did not get enough land, save in those districts where the earth 
is very rich, to enable them to support themselves by its tillage. 
Hence many of them have fallen into debt and become the 
victims of heartless usurers. 

81. The Russo-Turkish War of 1877-1878 ; the Treaty of 
Berlin ; the Dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire. — Anxiously 
as the Treaty of Paris had provided for the permanent settlement 
of the Eastern Question, barely twenty-two years had passed 
before it was again up before Europe, and Russia and Turkey 
were again in arms. The Sultan could not or would not give his 
Christian subjects that protection which he had solemnly prom- 
ised should be given. In 1875 the Greek Christian population of 

6 The serfs on the crown lands, about 23,000,000 in number, had already been 
freed by special edicts (the first issued in July, 1858). They were given at once, with- 
out any return being exacted, the lands they had so long tilled as nominal bondsmen. 
We say nominal bondsmen, since this class labored under only a few restrictions and 
were subject to the payment merely of a light rent. 



RUSSO-TURKISH WAR OF 1877-1878 



8l 



Herzegovina and Bosnia, European provinces of the Ottoman 
Empire, goaded to desperation by the oppression of Turkish 
taxgatherers, rose in revolt. Then the Bulgarians also rose. The 
Turkish measures of repression resulted in what are known as the 
"Bulgarian atrocities," — massacres of Christian men, women, 
and children more revolting perhaps than any others of which 
history tells. 

Fierce indignation was kindled throughout Europe. Servia and 
Montenegro declared war. The Russian armies were set in mo- 
tion. Kars in Asia Minor and Plevna in European Turkey, the 








Gortchakoff 



Disraeli 



Andrassy Bismarck Schuwaloff 



Fig. 14. — The Congress of Berlin. (After a painting by 
Anton von Werner, Prussian court painter) 



latter after a memorable siege, fell into the hands of the Russians, 
and the armies of the Tsar were once more in full march upon 
Constantinople, with the prospect of soon ending forever Turkish 
rule on European soil, when England intervened, sent her fleet 
through the Dardanelles, and arrested the triumphant march of 
the Russians. 



82 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

The Treaty of Berlin 7 (1878) adjusted once more the disor- 
ganized affairs of the Sublime Porte and bolstered up the " sick 
man " as well as was possible. But he lost a good part of his 
estate, for even his friends had no longer any hope either of 
his recovery or of his reformation. Out of those provinces of his 
dominions in Europe in which the Christian population was most 
numerous, there was created a group of wholly independent or 
half-independent states. 8 The northern frontier of the Ottoman 
Empire in Europe was thus pushed back to the Balkans. Bosnia 
and Herzegovina were given to Austria- Hungary to administer, 
but were not actually severed from the Ottoman Empire. 

The island of Cyprus, by a secret arrangement between the 
Ottoman Porte and the English government, was ceded to Eng- 
land " to be occupied and administered." In return England 
guaranteed the integrity of the Sultan's possessions in Asia. 

Russia acquired some places in Armenia, which gave her fuller 
control of the eastern shores of the Euxine, and also received 
Bessarabia on the Lower Danube, which territory she had been 
forced to give up at the close of the Crimean War. In a word, 
Russia regained everything she had lost in that struggle, while 
Turkey was shorn of half her European possessions. There were 
left in Europe under the direct authority of the Sultan barely five 
million subjects, of which number about one half are Christians. 9 

7 In this treaty the great powers revised the Treaty of San Stefano which Russia 
had concluded with Turkey, and which practically expelled the Ottoman Porte from 
Europe. 

8 The absolute independence of Rumania (the ancient provinces of Moldavia and 
Wallachia), Servia, and Montenegro was formally acknowledged; Bulgaria, north 
of the Balkans, was to enjoy self-government, but was to pay tribute to the Porte ; 
Eastern Rumelia was to have a Christian governor, but was to remain under the 
dominion of the Sultan. In 1885 Eastern Rumelia united with Bulgaria. 

9 At the present writing (1906) these unredeemed lands, particularly the eastern 
portion of them popularly designated as Macedonia, are seething with revolt. Bulgaria 
fosters the discontent, hoping that in the general readjustment of frontiers which 
must necessarily follow the expulsion of the Turks from Europe she will be able to 
secure additional territory. But Austria is unwilling to see Bulgaria enlarged or 
strengthened, since this would set an obstacle in the way of her eastern expansion ; 
while Russia is opposed to any change in the present situation of things that would 
enhance the influence of Austria in the Balkans. And so the " unspeakable Turk " 
continues his oppressive rule over Christian lands in Europe. 



THE LIBERAL MOVEMENT IN RUSSIA 83 

82. The Liberal Movement in Russia. — We must now note a 
movement in Russian society more significant for Russian history 
and thus for general history than any of the wars of the Tsars or 
the diplomacy of the Muscovite court. This is the intellectual 
revolt of the educated Russian classes against the autocratic and 
repressive government of the Tsar. 10 

This Liberal movement is nothing else than the outworking in 
Russia of the ideas of the French Revolution. " In regard to the 
future consequences of this singular revolution," writes that keen 
observer, Arthur Young, " as an example to other nations, there 
can be no doubt but the spirit which has produced it will, sooner 
or later, spread throughout Europe, according to the different 
degrees of enlightenment amongst the common people." With- 
out doubt the deepest cause of the Liberal movement which is 
agitating Russia to-day must be sought in the awakening intelli- 
gence of the Russian nation. 

But if some definite beginning of the movement be sought, this 
may be found in the events of 18 13-18 15. In those years, as it 
has been put, the whole Russian army, like the great Tsar Peter, 
went on a pilgrimage to the West, and, like Peter, they got some 
new ideas. "The true and first propaganda of the revolt began," 
writes Edmund Noble, " when these travelling Russians carried 
back to their countrymen at home the story of what they had 
seen in Western Europe." This was simply a repetition of what 
had occurred in the case of those Frenchmen who in 1776 went 
to America to take part in the War of American Independence. 

Those carrying on this propaganda of Liberalism are found 
especially in the faculties and among the students of the univer- 
sities. Their fundamental demands are for constitutional repre- 
sentative government, the reform of the judicial system, and the 
removal of the restriction upon free discussion of public matters. 



in 



It is only theoretically of course that the Tsar is the autocratic ruler of Russia. 
The power behind the throne, the actual ruler, is the hierarchy of officials, who con- 
stitute what is known as a bureaucracy. This body of narrow-minded, selfish, and 
corrupt officials has been well likened to the monster in Mrs. Shelley's romance 
Frankenstein. Like that monster it has got beyond the control of its creator and 
commits wanton and revolting crimes. 



84 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

In a word, they demand that the Russian people shall enjoy all 
those rights and immunities which the peoples of Western Europe 
have secured and are now enjoying. 11 

The Russo-Japanese War of 1904- 1905 gave a great impulse to 
this Liberal movement by utterly discrediting the corrupt, unscru- 
pulous, and incapable government of the autocracy. The people, 
forced to make unheard-of sacrifices of life and treasure to carry 
on a disastrous war in which they had neither voice nor interest, 
arose in virtual insurrection. The empire became filled from end 
to end with unrest and disorder, with riots and local attempts 
to overthrow the government by violence. The situation was 
strangely like that of 1 789 in France. A Reign of Terror seemed 
imminent. The Tsar was finally constrained to promise the peo- 
ple the early convening of a Douma, or National Assembly. 

The meeting of this body, if the Tsar keeps faith with his 
people, will mark an epoch not only in the history of Russia but 
also in that of humanity. It will announce at once the political 
emancipation of the Russian nation, and the enhancement of the 
spiritual forces of civilization by the addition to them of the 
freely unfolding energies of a richly endowed race. 

83. The Russianizing of Finland. — Like all autocrats the 
Tsars have aimed at the establishment of uniformity throughout 
their empire. Their maxim has been, " One faith, one king, one 
law." The dealings of the Tsar Nicholas with Finland will illus- 
trate how all the non-Russian races of the empire are made the 
victims of the policy of the Tsars to Russianize their dominions. 
Finland was ceded to Russia by Sweden in 1809. It formed a 
grand duchy of the Russian empire. It had a liberal constitution 
which the Tsars had sworn to maintain and which secured the 
Finns a full measure of local self-government. Under their con- 
stitution the Finns, who number about two million souls, were 
a loyal, contented, and prosperous people. During the years 

11 It is a principle of the more extreme enemies of the autocracy that assassination 
is a righteous means of political reform. In 1881 the reigning Tsar, Alexander II, 
was assassinated by means of a bomb. After that event the government under 
Alexander III (1881-1894) and Nicholas II (1894- ) became even more cruelly 
despotic and repressive than before. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 85 

1 891-1902 the Tsar Nicholas by a series of imperial decrees 
practically annulled the ancient Finnish constitution and reduced 
the country to the condition of an administrative district of the 
empire. In a word, Finland was made a second Poland. 

Commenting upon this act of ruthless and irresponsible des- 
potism, Andrew D. White, formerly American Minister to Russia, 
is quoted in a recent interview as characterizing it as " the most 
wicked thing in the history of the last two centuries." Happily 
a more liberal policy has recently been adopted by the Tsar 
towards Finland, and substantially all its former rights have 
already (1906) been restored. 12 

Selections from the Sources. — The Eziropean Concert in the Eastern 
Question (ed. by Thomas Erskine Holland) ; contains the text of all the 
important treaties affecting the relations of Russia and the Ottoman 
Empire since 1826. Hamley, The Story of the Campaign. This is a 
graphic account of the Crimean War, "written in a tent in the Crimea," 
by an English officer. 

Secondary Works. — Rambaud, History of Russia, vol. iii. Leroy- 
Beaulieu, The Empire of the Tsars and the Russians. Kinglake, The 
Invasion of the Crimea. Morfill, The Story of Russia, chaps, x and xi. 
Wallace, Russia ; has chapters which give an excellent account of the 
Mir and the effects upon the serfs of the emancipation measure. Step- 
NIAK, The Russian Peasantry. Norle, The Russian Revolt and Russia 
and the Russians. For works on Russia in Asia, see bibliography of the 
next chapter. 

Topics for Class Reports. — 1. The Poles and the grounds of their 
discontent. 2. General Todleben at Sevastopol. 3. The Russian Mir. 
4. Tsar Alexander II and the emancipation of the Russian serfs. 5. The 
Russianizing of Finland. 6. The Russian bureaucracy. 7. Liberalism in 
Russia. 

12 Another matter of supreme interest in nineteenth century Russian history is 
the extraordinary expansion of the Russian empire in Asia. Concerning this im- 
portant phase of Russian history we shall say something in the following chapter. 



CHAPTER IX 
EUROPEAN EXPANSION IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 

I. Causes and General Phases of the Expansion 

Movement 

84. Significance of the Expansion of Europe into Greater Europe. 

— In another connection in speaking of the establishment of the 
European colonies and settlements of the sixteenth and seven- 
teenth centuries, we likened this expansion of Europe into Greater 
Europe to the expansion in antiquity of Greece into Greater 
Greece and Rome into Greater Rome. We have now to say 
something of the later phases of this wonderful outward move- 
ment of the European peoples. 

In the first place we should note that it is this expansion 
movement which gives such significance to that intellectual, 
moral, and political development of the European peoples which 
we have been studying. This evolution might well be likened to 
the religious evolution in ancient Judea. That development of 
a new religion was a matter of transcendent importance because 
the new faith was destined not for a little corner of the earth 
but for all the world. Likewise the creation by the Renaissance, 
the Reformation, and the Democratic Revolution of a new, rich, 
and progressive civilization in Europe is a matter of vast impor- 
tance to universal history because that civilization has manifestly 
been wrought out not for a single continent or for a single race 
but for all the continents and for all mankind. 

We are now to see how the bearers of this new culture have 
carried or are carrying it to all lands and are communicating it 
to all peoples, thereby opening up a new era not alone in the 
history of Europe but in the history of the world. 

86 



EARLIER COLONIAL EMPIRES 87 

85. The Fate of the Earlier Colonial Empires ; Decline and 
Revival of Interest in Colonies. — Elsewhere we have narrated 
the history of the colonial empires founded by the various Euro- 
pean nations during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. 
The magnificent Portuguese Empire soon became the spoil of 
the Dutch and the English ; France lost her colonial possessions 
to England ; a great part of the colonies of the Dutch also finally 
fell into English hands ; before the end of the eighteenth century 
England lost through revolution her thirteen colonies in North 
America ; and in the early part of the nineteenth century Spain 
in like manner lost all her dependencies on the mainland of the 
New World. 

After these discouraging experiences with their colonies the 
governments of Europe lost interest for a while in possessions 
beyond the seas. Statesmen came to hold the doctrine that 
colonies are "like fruit, which as soon as ripe falls from the 
tree." The English minister Disraeli, in referring to England's 
colonial possessions, once used these words : " Those wretched 
colonies are millstones about our neck." 

Before the close of the nineteenth century, however, there 
sprang up a most extraordinary revival of interest in colonies 
and dependencies, and the leading European states began to 
compete eagerly for over-the-sea possessions. 

86. Causes of the Revived Interest in Colonies. — A variety 
of causes concurred to awaken or to foster this new interest in 
colonies. One cause is to be found in the rapid increase during 
the nineteenth century of the people of European stock. At the 
beginning of the century the estimated population of Europe 
(excluding Turkey) was about one hundred and sixty millions ; 
at the end of the century it had risen to four hundred and thirty- 
six millions. During this same period the number of people of 
European stock in the world at large rose from about one hun- 
dred and seventy millions to 'over five hundred millions. 1 This 

1 These earlier figures must be regarded as mere approximations. We have 
no reliable figures for the beginning of the century. Census taking is practically a 
nineteenth century innovation, save in two or three countries. 



88 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

increase in numbers of the European peoples is one of the most 
important facts in modern history. It has caused Europe to 
overflow and to inundate the world. It has made the smallest 
of the continents the mother and nursery of nations. 2 

The political significance of this great outward movement, 
which almost unnoticed for a long time by European statesmen 
was creating a new Europe outside of Europe and shifting the 
center of gravity of the world, at last attracted the attention of the 
European governments and awakened an unwonted interest in 
colonies and dependencies. 

A second cause is to be found in the industrial revolution 
which began in England towards the end of the eighteenth 
century and which gradually transformed the industrial life of all 
the more advanced nations. The enormous quantity of fabrics 
and wares of every kind which the new processes of manufacture 
created, led to sharp competition among commercial classes in 
the different nations for the control of the markets in the uncivi- 
lized or semi-civilized lands beyond the frontiers of the European 
world, which the new and improved means of transportation had 
now brought within easy reach of the great manufacturing centers. 
In order to secure a monopoly of these markets for their subjects 
it was thought necessary by the European governments to take 
possession of these lands or to establish protectorates over them. 

A third cause, one which tended to give a general character 
to the colonial movement, was the manifest advantage that Eng- 
land was deriving from her colonial possessions, especially as 
revealed on the occasion of Queen Victoria's Golden and Diamond 
Jubilees in 1887 and 1897, when there passed along the streets 
of London imposing processions of representatives of all the 
races of the British Empire. This spectacle, unparalleled in 

2 The great tide of emigration which during the past century has flowed from 
Europe into the unoccupied places of the world was not set in motion by any single 
cause. With the pressure arising from the growing population of Europe, which 
may be regarded as the primary cause of the movement, there concurred a great 
variety of other causes, political, religious, and economic in their nature, such as 
have always been inciting or fostering causes in every great migration and coloniza- 
tion movement known to history. 



STANLEY'S DISCOVERIES 



89 



modern times in its suggestions of imperial riches and power, 
produced a profound impression upon the witnessing nations. 
It stirred in them a spirit of emulation and made them eager 
to secure colonial possessions and dependencies that they too 
like England might rule over many lands and races. 

Thus it came about through these and other influences that 
during the last fifteen or twenty years of the nineteenth century 
almost all the old colonizing peoples of Europe were exerting 
themselves to the utmost to build up new empires to take the 
place of those they had lost, while 
other nations that had never pos- 
sessed colonies now also began to 
compete eagerly with those earlier 
in the field for over-the-sea posses- 
sions. 

87. Stanley's Discoveries open up 
the "Dark Continent." — However, 
by the time of this awakening of 
the governments of Europe to the 
importance of colonies almost all 
the lands outside of Europe suited 
to European settlement were closed 
against true colonizing enterprises by 
having been appropriated by Eng- 
land, or through their being in the control of independent states 
that had grown out of colonies planted by immigrants of European 
speech and blood. The makers of new empires had no longer the 
whole world before them from which to choose. 

Africa, however, was still left. For a century intrepid explorers 
had been endeavoring to uncover the mysteries of that continent. 
Among these was the missionary-explorer David Livingstone. 
He died in 1873. His mantle fell upon Henry M. Stanley, who 
a short time after the death of Livingstone set out on an adven- 
turous expedition across Africa 3 (1870-187 7), in which journey 
he discovered the course of the Congo and learned the nature 

3 Stanley had made an earlier expedition (1871-1872) in search of Livingstone. 




Fig. 15. — Henry M. Stan- 
ley. (From a photograph) 



90 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

of its great basin. Not since the age of Columbus had there been 
any discoveries in the domain of geography comparable in impor- 
tance to these of Stanley. Stanley gave the world an account of 
his journey in a book bearing the title Through the Dark Conti- 
nent. The appearance of this work marks an epoch in the history 
of Africa. It inspired innumerable enterprises, political, commer- 
cial, and philanthropic, whose aim was to develop the natural 
resources of the continent and to open it up to civilization. 

88. The Founding of the Congo Free State (1885). — One 
immediate outcome of the writings and discoveries of Stanley 
was the founding of the Congo Free State. 

King Leopold II of Belgium was one of those whose imagina- 
tion was touched by the vast possibilities of the African continent. 
He conceived the idea of establishing in the valley of the Congo 
a great state which should be a radiating center for the diffusion 
of the benefits of civilization over the Dark Continent. Through 
his efforts an International African Association was formed, under 
whose auspices Stanley, after his return from his second expedi- 
tion, was sent out to establish stations in the Congo basin and to 
lay there the foundation of European order and government. 

The association had found in Stanley a remarkably able lieu- 
tenant. His work as an organizer and administrator was carried 
on almost continuously for five years (1879-1884), — "long years 
of bitter labor," as he himself speaks of them. He made treaties 
with over four hundred and fifty native chiefs, who ceded to him 
their sovereign rights over their lands. He founded numerous 
stations along the banks of the Congo and its tributaries. By 
these and like herculean labors Stanley — Stanley Africamis, it 
has been suggested, should be his ennobled name — became the 
real founder of what is now known as the Congo Free State, and 
earned a place among the great administrators and state builders 
of modern times. 4 

4 The Congo Free State has an estimated population of thirteen millions. King 
Leopold of Belgium is the head of the state, whose independence and sovereignty 
have been recognized by the United States and/most of the governments of Europe. 
The state is not nominally a Belgian colony; it is at the present time (1906) merely 
an appanage of the Belgian crown. A railroad projected by Stanley, two hundred 




Cape Towni 
C.of Good Hope' 




?ort Elizabeth 



THE PARTITION OF AFRICA 91 

89. The Partition of Africa. — The discoveries of Stanley and 
the founding of the Congo Free State were the signal for a scram- 
ble among the powers of Europe for African territory. England, 
France, and Germany were the strongest competitors and they 
got the largest shares. In the short space of fifteen years Africa 
became a dependency of Europe. The only native states retain- 
ing their independence by the end of the nineteenth century 
were Abyssinia and Morocco, together with the negro republic of 
Liberia, the government of which is in the hands of American 
freedmen or their descendants. 

This transference of the control of the affairs of Africa from 
the hands of its native inhabitants or those of Asiatic Moham- 
medan intruders to the hands of Europeans is without question 
the most momentous transaction in the history of that continent, 
and one which must shape its future destiny. 5 

In the following sections of this chapter, in which we propose 
briefly to rehearse the part which each of the leading European 
states has taken in the general expansion movement, we shall 
necessarily have to speak of the part which each played in the 
partition of Africa and tell what each secured. 

II. The Expansion of England 

90. England in America; the Dominion of Canada. — The 

separation of the thirteen American colonies from England in 
1776 seemed to give a fatal blow to English hopes of establish- 
ing a great colonial empire in America. But half of North America 
still remained in English hands. 

and fifty miles in length, has been built around the falls of the Congo. This enter- 
prise has brought into touch with civilization a vast region which throughout all the 
long period of history up to the time of Stanley's achievement had been absolutely 
cut off from communication with the civilized races of mankind. Regretfully one 
records that just now there are persistent reports of atrocious cruelty on the part of 
the agents of the Belgian government towards the natives in the collection of the 
tribute of rubber which is exacted of them. 

5 Almost all the European states during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries 
had maintained forts and stations on the African coast, but they had not penetrated 
beyond, the shore land. 



92 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

Gradually the attractions of British North America as a dwelling 
place for settlers of European stock became known. Immigration, 
mostly from the British Isles, increased in volume, so that the 
growth of the country in population during the nineteenth cen- 
tury was phenomenal, rising from about a quarter of a million at 
the opening of the period to over five millions at its close. 

One of the most important matters in the political history of 
Canada since the country passed under English rule is the granting 
of responsible government to the provinces in 1841. Up to that 
time England's colonial system was in principle like that which 
had resulted in the loss to the British Empire of the thirteen 
colonies. The concession marked a new era in the history of 
English colonization. The Canadian provinces now became in 
all home matters absolutely self-governing. 6 

The concession of complete self-government to the provinces 
was followed, in 1867, by the union of Upper and Lower Canada, 
Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick into a federal state under the 
name of the Dominion of Canada. 7 The constitution of the Domin- 
ion, save as to the federal principle, is modeled after that of Great 
Britain, wherein it differs from the recently framed Australian con- 
stitution, which follows closely that of the United States. 

The political union of the provinces made possible the success- 
ful accomplishment of one of the great engineering undertakings 
of our age. This was the construction of a transcontinental rail- 
road from Montreal to Vancouver. This road has done for the 
confirming of the federal union and for the industrial develop- 
ment of the Dominion what the building of similar transconti- 
nental lines has done for the United States. 

By reason of its vast geographical extent, — its area is more 
than thirty-five times as great as that of the British Isles, — its 
inexhaustible mineral deposits, its unrivaled fisheries, its limitless 
forests, grazing lands, and wheat fields, its bracing climate, and 



6 The treaty-making power and matters of peace and war are still in the hands of 
the English government. 

7 Later the confederation was joined by British Columbia, Prince Edward Island, 
and other provinces. Newfoundland has steadily refused to join the union. 



ENGLAND IN AUSTRALASIA 93 

above all its free institutions, the Dominion of Canada seems 
marked out to be one of the great future homes of the Anglo- 
Saxon race. What the United States now is, the Dominion seems 
destined at a time not very remote to become. 

91 . England in Australasia ; 8 the Proclamation of the Common- 
wealth of Australia (1901). — About the time that England lost 
her American colonies the celebrated navigator Captain Cook 
reached and explored the shores of New Zealand and Australia 
(1769-1771). Disregarding the claims of earlier visitors to these 
lands, he took possession of the islands for the British crown. 

The best use to which England could at first think to put the 
new lands was to make them a place of exile for criminals. The 
first shipload of convicts was landed at Botany Bay in Australia 
in 1788. But the agricultural riches of the new lands, their 
adaptability to stock raising, and the healthfulness of the climate 
soon drew to them a stream of English immigrants. In 1851 
came the announcement of the discovery of fabulously rich 
deposits of gold, and then set in a tide of immigration such as 
the world has seldom seen. 

Before the close of the century five flourishing colonies (New 
South Wales, Victoria, Queensland, South Australia, and West 
Australia), with an aggregate population, including- that of the 
neighboring island of Tasmania, of almost four millions, had 
grown up along the fertile well-watered rim of the Australian 
continent and had developed free institutions similar to those 
of the mother country. 

The great political event in the history of these colonies was 
their consolidation, just at the opening of the twentieth century, 
into the Commonwealth of Australia, a federal union like our own. 

The vast possibilities of the future of this new Anglo-Saxon 
commonwealth in the South Pacific has impressed in an unwonted 
way the imagination of the world. It is possible that in the 

8 Australasia, meaning " south land of Asia," is the name under which Australia 
and New Zealand are comprehended. Here, as in South Africa, in Canada, and in 
India, England appeared late on the ground. The Spaniards and the Dutch had both 
preceded her. The presence of the Dutch is witnessed by the names New Holland 
(the earlier name of Australia) and New Zealand attaching to the greater islands. 



94 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

coming periods of history this new Britain will hold some such 
place in the Pacific as the mother land now holds in the Atlantic. 

92. England in Asia. — In the eighteenth century was laid the 
basis of the British Empire in India. Throughout the nineteenth 
century England steadily advanced the frontiers of her dominions 
here and consolidated her power until by the close of the century 
she had brought either under her direct rule or under her suze- 
rainty almost three hundred millions of Asiatics, 9 — the largest 
number of human beings, so far as history knows, ever united 
under a single scepter. 

We must here note how England's occupation of India and 
her large interests in the trade of Southern and Eastern Asia 
involved her during the century in several wars and shaped in 
great measure her foreign policies. One of the earliest of these 
wars was that known as the Afghan War of 1 838-1 842, into which 
she was drawn through her jealousy of Russia. 10 

At the same time England became involved in the so-called 
Opium War with China 11 (1839-1842). As a result of this war 
England obtained by cession from China the island and port of 
Hongkong, which she has made one of the most important com- 
mercial and naval stations of her empire. In 1901 over twenty- 
four thousand vessels entered the ports of the island. 

Scarcely was the Opium War ended before England was in- 
volved in a gigantic struggle with Russia, — the Crimean War, 
already spoken of in connection with Russian history (sec. 79). 
From our present standpoint we can better understand why 

9 By the census of 1901 the population of the British Indian Empire (this includes 
the feudatory states) was 294,461,056. 

10 England's endeavor here was to maintain Afghanistan as a buffer state between 
her Indian possessions and the expanding Russian Empire. The war was marked by 
a great tragedy, — the virtual annihilation in the wild mountain passes leading from 
India to Afghanistan of an Anglo-Indian army of 16,000 men. There was a second 
Afghan War in 1879-1880. 

11 The opium traffic between India and China had grown into gigantic proportions 
and had become a source of wealth to the British merchants and of revenue to the 
Indian government. The Chinese government, however, awake to the evils of the 
growing use of the narcotic, resisted the importation of the drug. This was the cause 
of the war. The Chinese government was compelled to acquiesce in the continuance 
of the nefarious traffic. 



-ENGLAND IN ASIA 95 

England threw herself into the conflict on the side of Turkey. 
She fought to maintain the integrity of the Ottoman Empire in 
order that her own great rival, Russia, might be prevented from 
seizing Constantinople and the Bosporus, and from that point con- 
trolling the affairs of Asia through the command of the Eastern 
Mediterranean. 

The echoes of the Crimean War had barely died away before 
England was startled by the most alarming intelligence from the 
country for the secure possession of which English soldiers had 
borne their part in the fierce struggle before Sevastopol. 

In 1857 there broke out in the armies of the East India Com- 
pany what is known as the Sepoy Mutiny. 12 Fortunately many 
of the native regiments stood firm in their allegiance to England, 
and with their aid the revolt was speedily crushed. As a conse- 
quence of the mutiny the government of India was by act of 
Parliament taken out of the hands of the East India Company 
and vested in the English crown. 

There are without question offsets to the indisputably good 
results of English rule in India; nevertheless it is one of the 
most important facts of modern history, and one of special 
import as bearing on our present study, that nearly three hun- 
dred millions of the population of Asia should thus have passed, 
whether for better or for worse, under the rule and wardship of 
a European nation. 

12 The causes of the uprising were various. The crowd of deposed princes was 
one element of discontent. A widespread conviction among the natives, awakened by 
different acts of the English, that their religion was in danger was another of the 
causes that led to the rebellion. There were also military grievances of which the 
native soldiers complained. The mutiny broke out simultaneously at different points 
The atrocities committed by the rebels at Cawnpur sent a thrill of horror throughout 
the civilized .world. Nana Sahib had slain the garrison and crowded about two hun- 
dred English women and children into a small chamber. They were spared the fate 

Fe rwT^ V r w^ H ° le ° f CakUtta ' but ° nly t0 meet a more terrible one. 
gearing that the English forces, advancing by forced marches under General Henry 

Havelock, would effect a rescue of the prisoners, Nana Sahib employed five assassins 

to go into the room with their swords and knives and kill them all. The work 

required wo hours Then the bodies were dragged out and flung into a neigh- 

zz::"z h zx y . were found by the rescuins party > which arrived just to ° L 



96 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

93. England in South Africa; Boer and Briton. — England has 
played a great part in the partition of Africa, and as usual has got 
the lion's share of the spoils, not as to the size of her portion but 
as to its real value. Her first appearance upon the continent both 
in Egypt and at the Cape was brought about through her solicitude 
for her East India possessions and the security of her routes 
thither. Later she joined in the scramble of European powers 
for African territories for their own sake. 

The Dutch had preceded the English in South Africa. They 
began their settlement at the Cape about the middle of the sev- 
enteenth century in the great days of Holland. During the French 
Revolution and again during Napoleon's ascendancy the English 
took the Dutch colony under their protection. After the down- 
fall of Napoleon in 18 14 the colony was ceded to England by 
the Netherlands. 13 

The Dutch settlers refused to become reconciled to the English 
rule. In 1836 a large number of these aggrieved colonists took 
the heroic resolve of abandoning their old homes and going out 
into the African wilderness in search of new ones. This was a 
resolution worthy of their ancestry, for these African Pilgrims 
were descendants of those Dutch patriots who fought so hero- 
ically against Philip II, and of Huguenot refugees who in the 
seventeenth century fled from France to escape the tyranny of 
Louis XIV. 

This migration is known as "The Great Trek." u The immi- 
grants journeyed from the Cape towards the northeast, driving 
their herds before them and carrying their women and children 
and all their earthly goods in great clumsy ox carts. Beyond the 
Orange River some of the immigrants unyoked their oxen and 
set up homes, laying there the basis of the Orange Free State ; 
the more intrepid " trekked " still farther to the north, across the 
Vaal River, and established the republic of the Transvaal. 

13 After the loss of the Cape Settlement the island of Java was the most important 
colonial possession remaining to the Dutch. Gradually they got possession of the 
greater part of the large island of Sumatra. These two islands form the heart of the 
Dutch East Indies of to-day, which embrace a native population of about 36,000,000. 

14 Trek is Dutch for " migration " or " journey." 



ENGLAND IN SOUTH AFRICA 



97 



Two generations passed, a period filled for the little republics, 
surrounded by hostile African tribes, with anxieties and fighting. 
Then there came a turning point in their history. In the year 
1885 gold deposits of extraordinary richness were discovered in 
the Transvaal. Straightway there began a tremendous inrush of 
miners and adventurers from all parts of the globe. 

A great portion of these newcomers were English-speaking 
people. As aliens — Uitlanders, " outlanders," they were called 
— they were excluded from any share in the government, although 
they made up two thirds of the population of the little state and 
paid the greater part of the taxes. They demanded the fran- 
chise. The Boers, under the lead of the sturdy President of the 
Transvaal, Paul Kriiger, refused to accede to their demands, urging 
that this would mean practically the surrender of the independ- 
ence of the Republic and its annexation to the British Empire. 

The controversy grew more and more bitter and soon ripened 
into war between England and the Transvaal (1899). The Orange 
Free State joined its little army to that of its sister state, — an 
act in which James Bryce declares there was " an heroic quality 
not surpassed by anything in the history of the classical peoples." 15 

At the outset the Boers, who are very expert with their rifles, 
were everywhere successful, inflicting one disastrous defeat after 
another upon the English forces, while the world looked on in 
amazement. The British Empire in Africa was threatened with 
destruction. England was stirred as she had not been stirred 
since the Sepoy Mutiny in India. An army of three hundred 
thousand men, gathered from all parts of the British Empire, 
was hastily thrown into South Africa, and the supreme command 
intrusted to the able and experienced general, Lord Roberts. 
After the maintenance of the struggle for over two years the last of 
the Boer bands surrendered (1902). As the outcome of the war 
both of the republics were annexed to the British Empire under 
the names of the Transvaal Colony and Orange River Colony. 

15 The total European or white population of the two little republics that thus 
threw down the gage of battle to the most powerful empire of modern times was 
only a little over 300,000. 



98 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

These new acquisitions, taken in connection with Cape Colony, 
Natal, and the various protectorates and dependencies which 
England has established in West, East, and Central Africa, 16 form 
a vast empire, a considerable portion of which is well suited 
to European settlement. 

A political ideal of English statesmen is the union of all the 
English and Anglo-Dutch colonies and states of South Africa into 
a great federation like the Canadian and Australian. This was a 
favorite project of the late South African statesman, Cecil Rhodes, 
one of the most masterful men of his generation. Such a federa- 
tion must be the ultimate destiny of these colonies ; and if only 
the present bitter antagonism between Boer and Briton dies away 
here, as the once like antagonism between French and Briton has 
died away in Canada, such a federal state could not fail of having 
a great future. 

Another important project of the English is the building of a 
Cape-to-Cairo railroad. This, like the political scheme of a fed- 
eration, was also a favorite project of Cecil Rhodes. Already his 
dream has been in great part realized. The projected line has 
now (1906) been carried northward from Cape Town over two 
thousand miles to and beyond the celebrated Victoria Falls on the 
Zambesi ; while at the other end of the continent the road has 
been pushed up the Nile from Cairo to Khartum, a distance of 
over thirteen hundred miles (including a little over two hundred 
miles of river navigation above Assuan). This railway when com- 
pleted, as it without doubt will be at no very remote date, will 
be a potent factor in the opening up of the Dark Continent to 
civilization. 

94. England in Egypt. — In 1876 England and France estab- 
lished what was in effect a dual protectorate over Egypt in 
order to secure against loss their subjects who were holders of 
Egyptian bonds. 17 Six years later, in 1882, there broke out in 

16 An idea of the situation and extent of these can best be gained by the use of the 
map after page 90. 

17 Egypt was at that time and still is nominally an hereditary principality under 
the suzerainty of the Ottoman Porte. Practically it was then an independent state 
and now is virtually a part of the British Empire; for no one doubts that the present 



ENGLAND IN EGYPT . 99 

the Egyptian army a mutiny against the authority of the Khedive. 
France declining to act with England in suppressing the disor- 
der, England moved alone in the matter. The result of her inter- 
vention was the establishment of an English protectorate over 
the country. 

In 1885 a second expedition had to be sent out to the same 
country. The Sudanese, subjects of the Khedive, had revolted 
and were threatening with destruction the Egyptian garrisons in 
the Sudan. An Anglo- Egyptian army pushed its way up the 
Nile to the relief of Khartum, which General Gordon, the mod- 
ern English knight-errant, was holding against the Mahdi, the 
military prophet and leader of the Sudanese Arabs. The expe- 
dition arrived too late, Khartum having fallen just before relief 
reached the town. Gordon perished with most of his followers. 

The English troops were now recalled and the Sudan was aban- 
doned to the rebel Arabs. For over a decade this southern land 
remained under the cruel rule of the Mahdi and his successor. 
The country was devastated by fire and sword, and Egypt was 
continually harassed by raids of the dervishes. 

Finally in 1896 the English sent up the Nile another expedition 
under General Kitchener for the recovery of the lost territory. The 
undertaking was successful, and the Eastern Sudan and a vast ter- 
ritory embracing the basin of the Nile and its tributaries were 
again brought under the rule of the Khedive, — that is to say, 
under the administrative control of England (1898). 

No part of the world has benefited more by European control 
than Egypt. When England assumed the administration of its 
affairs it was in every respect one of the most wretched of the 
lands under the rule, actual or nominal, of the Turkish Sultan. 
The country is now, according to the claims of eminent English 
authority, more prosperous than at any previous period of its 
history, not excepting the time of the rule of the Pharaohs. 
This high degree of prosperity has been secured mainly through 

English protectorate will in time be converted into absolute dominion. English 
statesmen are beginning to regard Egypt as an indispensable link in England's chain 
of stations uniting her Asian empire to the home land. 



IOO > NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

England's having given Egypt the two things declared necessary 
to its prosperity, — "justice and water." 

The construction of the great irrigation or storage dam across 
the Nile at the First Cataract (at Assuan) is one of the greatest 
engineering achievements of modern times. The dam retains the 
surplus waters of the Nile in flood times and releases them grad- 
ually during the months of low water. This constant supply of 
water for irrigation purposes will, it is estimated, increase by a 
third the agricultural capabilities of Egypt not only by greatly 
augmenting the area of fertile soil but by making it possible on 
much of the land to raise two and even three crops each year. 

III. The Expansion of France 

95. France in Africa. — At the opening of the nineteenth 
century France possessed only fragments of a once promising 
colonial empire. From the long Napoleonic Wars she emerged 
too exhausted to give any attention for a time to interests out- 
side of the home land. 

When finally she began to look about her for over-the-sea ter- 
ritories to make good her losses in America and Asia, it was the 
North African shore which, on account of proximity (it is only 
twenty-four hours distant by steam from the southern ports of 
France), climate, and products, naturally attracted her attention. 
This region possesses great agricultural resources. In ancient 
times it was one of the richest grain-tribute-paying provinces of 
the Roman Empire. ' Its climate is favorable for Latin-European 
settlement. It is really geographically a part of Europe, " the 
true Africa beginning with the Sahara." 

France began the conquest of Algeria as early as 1830. The 
subjugation of the country was not effected without much hard 
fighting with the native tribes and a great expenditure in men 
and money. In the year 188 1, under the pretext of defending 
her Algerian frontier against the raids of the mountain tribes 
of Tunis on the east, France sent troops into that country 
and established a protectorate over it. This act of hers deeply 




120 Longitude 100 West from 80 Greenwich 60 




EUROPEAN EXPANSION 

ANGLO-SAXON : Great Britain, l, „ :_ , i United States, 



LATIN : France, Italy, Spain ete 

SLAVONIC : Russia, 
Germany, C 



Indep't Latin Countries, I 



Other European Countries and their Colonies, I 



This Map is intended to show : First, how great a portion of the world has come 
to be occupied or to be dominated by peoples of European descent ; and, 
second, to indicate particularly the relative areas held by Saxon, Latin, and Slav. 



60 Lonritude 80 East from 100 Greenwich 120 



FRANCE IN AFRICA IOI 

offended the Italians, who had had their eye upon this district, 
regarding it as belonging to them by virtue of its geographical 
position as well as its historical traditions. 18 

These North African territories form the most promising por- 
tion of France's new colonial empire. The more sanguine of her 
statesmen entertain hopes of ultimately creating here a new home 
for the French people, — a sort of New France. In any event it 
seems certain that all these shore lands, which in the seventh cen- 
tury were severed from Europe by the Arabian conquests, are now 
again permanently reunited to that continent and are henceforth 
to constitute virtually a part of the European world. 

Besides these lands in North Africa, France possesses a vast 
domain in the region of the Senegal and lays claim to all the 
Sahara lying between her colony of Senegal and Algeria. She also 
holds extensive territories just north of the Congo Free State, 
embracing part of Central Sudan. The island of Madagascar 
also forms a part of the French-African empire. 

It is to be feared that France will not find in Africa any such 
valuable possessions as in the eighteenth century she lost to Eng- 
land in America and Asia. Yet she has entered upon the work 
of opening up and developing her African empire with character- 
istic enthusiasm and expansiveness of plans. She has projects 
that aim at the redemption, by means of artesian wells, of exten- 
sive tracts of the Sahara. It is thought not impracticable to 
create a line of these oases across the Sahara from the city of 
Constantine in Algeria to Timbuktu in the Sudan, and thus to 
facilitate the construction of a projected Trans-Saharan railway. 

96. France in Asia. — In the year 1862 France secured a 
foothold near the mouth of the Cambodia River in Indo-China, 

18 Disappointed in not getting Tunis, the Italians sought to secure a foothold on 
the Red Sea coast. They seized here a district and organized it under the name of 
the Colony of Eritrea; but they had hard luck almost from the first. The coast is 
hot and unhealthful and inland is the kingdom of Abyssinia. Over this the Italians 
attempted to establish a protectorate ; but unfortunately for them Abyssinia does not 
regard herself as one of the uncivilized or moribund states over which it is neces- 
sary for Europeans to extend their protection. King Menelik of that country inflicted 
upon the Italian army a most disastrous defeat (1896). Since then the Italians have 
done very little in the way of developing their African possessions. 



102 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

and has since then steadily enlarged her possessions until now she 
holds in those quarters territories which exceed in extent the 
home land. A chief aim of the French in this region is to secure 
the trade of Southern China. To this end they are projecting 
the extension northward into China of the system of railways 
they have already constructed. 

With these ample African and Asiatic territories France feels 
in a measure consoled for her losses in the past, and dreams of a 
brilliant career as one of the great colonizing powers of Europe. 
France has, however, one great handicap as a colonizing state. 
She has not, what both England and Germany have, a rapidly 
increasing population at home. Nor have her citizens that restr 
less, adventurous spirit of the Anglo-Saxons which has driven them 
as conquerors and settlers into the remotest parts of the earth and 
made England the mother of innumerable colonies and states. 

IV. The Expansion of Germany 

97. German Emigrants Lost to Germany. — No country of 
Europe during the expansion movement of the nineteenth century 
supplied a greater number of emigrants for the settlement of 
transoceanic lands than Germany. But Germany has not until 
recently possessed under her own flag any over-the-sea territories, 
and consequently the vast number of emigrants she has sent out 
have sought homes in the United States, in the different English 
colonies, and in the Spanish and Portuguese republics of South 
America. Thus it happens that although Germany has sent out 
vast swarms of emigrants, no true Greater Germany has grown up 
outside of Europe. 

Stimulated by the patriotic war of 1870-1871 against France, 
and the consolidation of the German Empire, German statesmen 
began to dream of making Germany a world power. To this end 
it was deemed necessary to secure for Germany colonies where the 
German emigrants might live under the German flag and, instead 
of contributing to the growth and prosperity of rival states, should 
remain Germans and constitute a part of the German nation. 



GERMANY IN AFRICA AND ASIA 103 

98. Germany in Africa. — Consequently when the competition 
came for African territory Germany entered into the struggle with 
great zeal and got a fair share of the spoils. In 1884 she declared 
a protectorate over a large region on the southwest coast of the 
continent just north of the Orange River, and thus lying partly 
in the temperate zone. This region she has opened up to civili- 
zation by the construction of a railroad over two hundred and 
thirty miles in length running from the west coast inland. 19 

At almost the same time she established two smaller protect- 
orates in the tropic belt farther to the north. On the East 
African coast she seized a great territory, twice as large as the 
home land, embracing a part of the celebrated Lake District. 
These upland regions are well adapted to European settlement 
and must in time be filled by people of European descent. 

99. Germany in Asia. — The hopes of many German expan- 
sionists are centered in Western Asia rather than in Africa. 
Thousands of Germans have crowded into Asia Minor and Syria 
and have come to form in some districts an important element of 
the industrial and trading population. It is said to be the hope 
of the present German Emperor that ultimately Asia Minor and 
Syria will come to form a part of the German Empire. Certainly 
if the present process of the Germanization of those regions con- 
tinues, it is not at all unlikely that a large part of Western Asia 
will come eventually into some such relation to Germany as Egypt 
now sustains to England. 

One of the most important projects of the Germans in these 
Asian regions is the extension of the Anatolian Railway, now 
under German control, from Konieh in Asia Minor over the Taurus 
Mountains, across the Mesopotamian plains, and down the Tigro- 
Euphrates valley to the head of the Persian Gulf. Such a line 
under German control would greatly enhance German influence 
in Asia Minor and Mesopotamia. Besides providing a new and 
shorter route to India, — the route used by the ancient peoples, 

19 In 1904 the German government was forced to face a serious revolt of some of 
the native tribes of the protectorate. At the present writing (March, 1906) the 
trouble is still unallayed. 



104 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

— it would open up to civilization the wonderfully fertile regions 
which formed the heart of the early and populous empires of Assyria 
and Babylonia. The restoration of these lands from their present 
artificial sterility would give back to mankind some of the choicest 
portions of their heritage, long given over to desolation and neglect. 20 
German expansion presses not only on the Turkish Empire 
but also upon the Chinese Empire. In 1897 Germany, on the 
pretext of protecting German missionaries in China, seized the 
port of Kiau-chau and forced its practical cession from the Chinese 
government. This is a spot of great importance commercially and 
politically. The German government aims to make this colony a 
true German settlement and the outgoing point of German power 
and influence in the Far East. 21 

V. The Expansion of Russia 

100 . General Statement. — Russia has large and numerous inland 
lakes and seas and vast rivers, but she lacks seaboard. Her efforts 
to reach the sea in different directions affords the key to much of 
her history. It is this which has given a special character to 
Russian expansion, which has made it a movement by land instead 
of by sea, as in the case of all the other European states that have 
had a part in the great expansion movement. 

The expansion of Russia is one of the most striking features 
of the great European development which we are following. 
This outward movement has put her in possession of about one 
seventh of the habitable earth. 

101. Russian Expansion in Asia. — Russia has steadily gravi- 
tated towards the Mediterranean, the Indian Ocean, and the 

20 Along with this railway project is being discussed a proposal for the restoration 
of the ancient irrigation works of the Tigris and Euphrates region. It is estimated 
by Sir William Willcocks that $100,000,000 expended in the restoration of the irriga- 
tion system of the ancient Babylonians would bring a return of at least $300,000,000. 
What has already been done for Egypt by the building of the great storage Nile dam 
at Assuan will almost certainly at no remote date be repeated here in what was 
formerly the "Asian Egypt." 

21 Besides the colonial possessions we have named, Germany holds a number of 
islands and groups of islands in the Pacific. 



RUSSIAN EXPANSION IN ASIA 105 

Pacific. Only in Europe has her glacier-like movement been 
much impeded by the obstacles placed in her path through the 
jealousy of the other powers. She made no material territorial 
gains in Europe, aside from the acquisition of Finland and part 
of Prussian Poland, during the nineteenth century, notwithstand- 
ing that she fought in three great wars for this end and shattered 
into fragments a great part of the Turkish Empire which lay 
between her and the goal of her ambition, — Constantinople. 

But in Asia the additions which, during this period, Russia 
made to her empire were immense in extent. By the middle of 
the century she had conquered and absorbed a large part of the 
Caucasus region, encroaching here upon both Persia and Turkey 
in Asia. During the latter half of the century she steadily pushed 
forward her boundaries in Central Asia. She conquered or con- 
ciliated the tribes of Turkestan and advanced her frontier in this 
quarter far towards the south, — close up against Afghanistan. 
In the very heart of the continent her outposts are now established 
upon the lofty table-lands of the Pamirs, the " Roof of the World." 
Here her frontier and that of the British Empire are only twenty 
miles apart. In the extreme eastern part of Asia she obtained 
from China, under circumstances which will be explained a little 
farther on (sec. 109), the lease of Port Arthur, one of the most 
important Asiatic harbors on the Pacific, and occupied the large 
Chinese province of Manchuria, which occupation it was gener- 
ally believed would end in the actual annexation of that magnifi- 
cent domain to the Russian Empire. 

Thus by the end of the century Russia in her expansion had 
not only subjugated the nomadic or semi-nomadic tribes of 
Central Asia, but had also won territories -from the three semi- 
civilized states of the continent, Turkey, Persia, and China, and 
was crowding heavily upon all those countries. 

102. The Trans-Siberian Railway. — Russia's most noteworthy 
undertaking during the nineteenth century in connection with her 
Asiatic empire was the building of the Trans-Siberian Railway, 
which now unites St. Petersburg with the Pacific ports of Vladi- 
vostok and Port Arthur. The construction of this road has made 



106 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

accessible to Russian settlers the vast fertile regions of Southern 
Siberia, and will soon render that country a part of the civilized 
world ; for though it may be true as to the past that " civilization 
has come riding on a gun carriage," now it comes riding on a 
locomotive. 

VI. The Expansion of the United States 

103. The Growth of the United States a Part of the Great Euro- 
pean Expansion Movement. — At first view it might seem that the 
growth of our own country should not be given a place in the 
present chapter. But the expansion of the United States is as 
truly a part of European expansion as is the increase of the Eng- 
lish race in Canada, or in Australasia, or in South Africa. The 
circumstance that the development here has taken place since 
the severance of all political ties binding this country to the 
mother land is wholly immaterial. The Canadian, Australian, and 
African developments have, as a matter of fact, been expansion 
movements from practically secondary and independent centers 
of European settlement. 

Hence, to complete our survey of the movement which has put 
in possession or in control of the European peoples so much of 
the earth, we must note — we can simply note — the expansion 
during the past century of the great American Commonwealth. 

104. How the Territorial Acquisitions of the United States and 
its Growth in Population have contributed to assure the Predomi- 
nance of the Anglo-Saxon Race in Greater Europe. — Six times dur- 
ing the nineteenth century the United States materially enlarged 
her borders. 22 These gains in territory were in the main at the 
expense of a Latin race, — the Spanish. They have not therefore 

22 Just at the end of the century the territorial expansion of the United States 
assumed a character altogether unlike that which up to that time it had retained. 
All our chief earlier acquisitions were lands contiguous to our previous possessions, 
were unoccupied or practically unoccupied, were adapted to European settlement, 
and were secured with the intention of making them into territories which might 
ultimately be carved into states and made an integral part of the Federal Union. 
But in 1898, as an outcome of our war with Spain, we acquired Porto Rico and the 
Philippine Islands. In the latter islands we came into possession of lands already 



SHALL CHINA BE PARTITIONED? 107 

resulted in an actual increase in the possessions of the European 
peoples, but have simply contributed to the predominance, or 
have marked the growing predominance, in this new-forming 
European world of the Anglo-Saxon race. 

Of even greater significance than the territorial expansion of 
the United States during the past century is the amazing growth 
of the Republic during this period in population and in material 
and intellectual resources. At the opening of the century the 
white population of the United States was a little over four mil- 
lions ; by the end of the century it had risen to over sixty-seven 
millions. This is the largest aggregate of human force and intel- 
ligence that the world has yet seen. Even more impressive than 
its actual are its potential capacities. With practically unlimited 
room for expansion by reason of the territorial acquisitions we 
have noted, it is impossible adequately to realize into what, dur- 
ing the coming centuries, the American people will grow. 

This remarkable growth of an English-speaking nation on the 
soil of the New World has contributed more than anything else, 
save the expansion of Great Britain into Greater Britain, to lend 
impressiveness and import to the movement indicated by the 
expression, "European expansion." 

VII. Check to European Expansion and Aggression 

in Eastern Asia 

105. Shall China be partitioned? — Before the close of the 
nineteenth century the outward movement of the European 
peoples, which we have now traced in broad outlines, had created 
a great crisis in the life of the peoples of the Far East. It had 
imperiled the independence of one of the great races of man- 
kind, the yellow race, comprising perhaps one third of the popu- 
lation of the earth. It had raised the questions, Shall China be 

peopled with an Asiatic race, and moreover lands unfitted for settlement by people 
of Teutonic stock. The acquisition by the United States of these Asiatic tropical 
dependencies has created for our government and our people many problems which 
still remain unsolved. 



io8 



NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 



partitioned ? Shall the Mongolian peoples of the Far East be 
dominated and their destinies shaped by the European powers ? 
An unexpected answer to these questions was given by Japan. 

106. The Awakening of Japan. — As late as the middle of the 
nineteenth century Japan was a hermit nation. She jealously 

excluded foreigners and refused to enter 
into diplomatic relations with the Western 
powers. But in the year 1854 Commo- 
dore Perry of the United States secured 
from the Japanese government conces- 
sions which opened the country to West- 
ern influences, under which Japan soon 
awoke to a new life. 

In the course of the half century fol- 
lowing this change in Japanese policy 
the progress made by Japan on all lines, 
political, material, and intellectual, was 
something without a parallel in history. 
She transformed her ancient feudal divine- 
right government into a representative 
constitutional system modeled upon the 
political institutions of the West. She 
adopted almost entire the material side 
of the civilization of the Western nations 
and eagerly absorbed their sciences. 
But what took place, it should be carefully noted, was not a 
Europeanization of Japan. The new Japan was an evolution of 
the old. The Japanese to-day in their innermost life, in their 
deepest instincts, and in their modes of thought are still an 
Oriental people. 

23 This regalia consists of a mirror, a sword, and several tusk-shaped jewels. Of 
all the royal or imperial regalias in the world, this is the simplest, and the most 
symbolic and historically interesting. According to Japanese legend, the imperial 
emblems were a gift of the sun goddess to an ancestor of the first Emperor of Japan. 
The goddess accompanied the bestowal of the symbols with these words: "Look 
upon this mirror as if it were my own spirit, and reverence it as you would my own 
presence. For centuries upon centuries shall thy descendants rule this kingdom. 
Govern this country with purity like that of the light that radiates from the surface 




Fig. 16. — The Impe- 
rial Regalia of Japan. 23 
(After a drawing by Goji 
Ukita) 



CHINO-JAPANESE WAR OF 1894 109 

107. Chino- Japanese War of 1894; a Mongolian Monroe 
Doctrine. — In 1894 came the war between Japan and China. 
A chief cause of this war was China's claim to suzerainty over 
Korea and her efforts to secure control of the affairs of that 
country. But under the conditions of modern warfare, and par- 
ticularly in view of the Russian advance in Eastern Asia, the 
maintenance of Korea as an independent state seemed to Japan 
absolutely necessary to the security of her island empire. The 
situation is vividly pictured in these words of Okakura-Kakuzo, 
the author of The Awakening of Japan: "Any hostile power," 
he says, " in occupation of the peninsula might easily throw an 
army into Japan, for Korea lies like a dagger ever pointed toward 
the very heart of Japan." 

Still again, realizing that greed of territory would lead the Euro- 
pean powers sooner or later to seek the partition of China and the 
political control of the Mongolian lands of the Far East, Japan 
washed to stir China from her lethargy, make herself her adviser 
and leader, and thus get in a position to control the affairs of 
Eastern Asia. In a word, she was resolved to set up a sort of 
Monroe Doctrine in her part of the world, which should close 
Mongolian lands against European encroachments and preserve 
for Asiatics what was still left of Asia. 

of the mirror. Deal with thy subjects with the gentleness typified by the bland and 
soft luster of the jewels. Combat the enemies of thy empire with this sword." No 
other royal regalia is so intimately related to the national life of a people as are 
these sacred emblems of Japan. Respecting this we quote from a most interest- 
ing paper on the subject, read before the Japan Society of London, in 1902, by 
Mr. Ukita, Chancellor of the Imperial Japanese Legation : " In conclusion, I should 
like to say one word in regard to the significance of the regalia in the mind of the 
Japanese people. The emblems, as I have pointed out, symbolize Knowledge, Cour- 
age, and Mercy ; and it has always been held that unless a ruler be possessed of all 
these three virtues, he will be powerless to govern the country in peace and pros- 
perity. With this in mind, the importance of the regalia, which symbolizes these 
three virtues, can be easily imagined. Its influence on the people is enormous. 
Coming from the gods to Jimmu, the first Emperor, himself a descendant of the gods, 
its existence dates from the very foundation of the Japanese Empire. Without it 
the Empire would hardly be conceivable to the Japanese people. The whole tradi- 
tion of the imperial family is bound up in it; its possession bestows sovereignty 
by divine right; and the instinct of the people ... is to acknowledge no man as 
Emperor unless he possess the regal symbols." See Transactions and Proceedings 
of the Japan Society (London) for 1901-1902, vol. vi. 



HO NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

The war was short and decisive. It was a fight between David 
and Goliath. China with her great inert mass was absolutely help- 
less in the hands of her tiny antagonist. With the Japanese army 
in full march upon Peking the Chinese government was forced to 
sue for peace. China now recognized the independence of Korea, 
and ceded to Japan Formosa and the extreme southern part of 
Manchuria, including Port Arthur. But at this juncture of affairs 
Russia, supported by France and Germany, jealously intervened. 
These powers forced Japan to accept a money indemnity in lieu of 
territory on the continent. She was permitted, however, to take 
possession of the island of Formosa. 

1 08. China in Process of Dismemberment; the Boxer Uprising 
(1900). — The march of the little Japanese army into the heart of 
the huge Chinese Empire was in its consequences something like 
the famous march of the Ten Thousand Greeks through the great 
Persian Empire. It revealed the surprising weakness of China — 
a fact known before to all the world, but never so perfectly realized 
as after the Japanese exploit — and marked her out for partition. 
The process of dismemberment began without unnecessary delay. 

Germany seized the port of Kiao-chau, 24 as already noted, and 
forced from China a ninety-nine years' lease of it and some 
adjoining territory (January, 1898). 

Then Russia asked and received a twenty-five years' lease of 
Port Arthur (March, 1898). Thereupon England demanded and 
received from China Wei-hai-wei (April, 1898), to be held by 
England " as long as Russia should hold Port Arthur." 

France viewed these cessions to Germany, Russia, and England 
with natural jealousy, and immediately sought and obtained from 
China as compensation a ninety-nine years' lease of the Bay of 
Kwang-chau-wan (April, 1898). 

Italy was now reported to have made demands upon the Chinese 
government for something as compensation to her for what the 
other powers had received. The press in Europe and America 
began openly to discuss the impending partition of the Chinese 
Empire and to speculate as to how the spoils would be divided. 

24 Or Kiau-chau. 




120 THE M.-N. WORKS 



12lW 



THE RUSSO-JAPANESE WAR in 

Suddenly the whole Western world was startled by the intelli- 
gence that the legations or embassies of all the European powers 
at Peking were hemmed in and besieged by a Chinese mob aided 
by the imperial troops. Then quickly followed a report of" the 
massacre of all the Europeans in the city. 

Strenuous efforts were at once made by the different Western 
nations, as well as by Japan, to send an international force to the 
rescue of their representatives and the missionaries and other 
Europeans with them, should it chance that any were still alive. 
Not since the Crusades had so many European nations joined in 
a common undertaking. There were in the relief army Russian, 
French, English, American, and German troops, besides a strong 
Japanese contingent. The relief column fought its way through 
to Peking and forced the gates of the capital. The worst had 
not happened, and soon the tension of the Western world, which 
had lasted for six weeks, was relieved by the glad news of the 
rescue of the beleaguered little company of Europeans. 

All which it concerns us now to notice is the place which this 
remarkable passage in Chinese history holds in the story of Euro- 
pean expansion which we have been rehearsing. The point of 
view to which our study has brought us discloses this at once. 

The insurrection had at bottom for its cause the determination 
of the Chinese to set a limit to the encroachments of the Western 
races, to prevent the dismemberment of their country, to pre- 
serve China for the Chinese. All the various causes that have 
been assigned for the uprising are included in this general under- 
lying cause. 

109. The Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905). — Early in the 
year 1904 war opened between Japan and Russia. Respecting 
the profound cause of this conflict little need be added to what 
has already been said in the preceding paragraphs. Soon after 
Russia had forced Japan to give up Port Arthur and the terri- 
tory in Manchuria ceded to her by the terms of the treaty with 
China after the Chino-Japanese War of 1894 (sec. 107), she 
herself secured from China a lease of the most " strategic portion " 
of this same territory, and straightway proceeded to transform 



I 12 



NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 



Port Arthur into a great naval and military fortress, which was 
to be the Gibraltar of the East. Moreover she occupied the whole 
of the great Chinese province of Manchuria. Notwithstanding she 

had given her solemn pledges that 
the occupation of this territory 
should be only temporary, she not 
only violated these pledges but 
made it evident by her acts that 
she intended, besides making Man- 
churia a part of the Russian Empire, 
also to seize Korea. But Russian 
control of this stretch of seaboard 
and command of the Eastern seas 
meant that Japan would be hemmed 
in by a perpetual blockade and her 
existence as an independent nation 
imperiled. It would place her des- 
tiny in the hands of Russia. Japan 
could not accept this fate, and drew 
the sword. 

The sanguinary war was signal- 
ized by an unbroken series of as- 
tonishing victories for the Japanese 
on land and on sea. They assumed 
practical control of Korea, and 
under Field Marshal Oyama wrested 
from the Russian armies under Kuro- 
patkin the southernmost portion of 
Manchuria. Port Arthur, after one 
of the longest and most memorable 
sieges of modern times, was forced to capitulate 25 (January 1 1 , 1 905). 
The strong Russian fleet in the Eastern waters at the beginning 
of hostilities was virtually destroyed. 26 A second great fleet sent 

25 The siege was conducted by General Nogi and Admiral Togo; the defense 
of the place was made by General Stoessel. 

26 February 25-March 12, 1905, was fought the great battle of Mukden, in which 
the Japanese were victors. 




Fig. 17. — Field Marshal 
Oyama. (From a stereo- 
graph, copyright, 1904, by 
the H. C. White Company, 
New York) 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 



113 



out from the Baltic Sea was met in the Korean Straits by the 
Japanese fleet under Admiral Togo and the greater part of the 
ships were sunk or captured. 27 

Through the mediation of President Roosevelt peace envoys 
of Russia and Japan were now brought together at Portsmouth, 
in the United States, and the war was ended by what will be 
known in history as the Peace of Portsmouth. 28 

The ultimate consequences of the war for the nations engaged 
and for civilization cannot yet be estimated ; but it seems certain 
that the final results will be more momentous and far-reaching 
than those of any other conflict of races recorded in modern 
history. One result is already assured. The war has not only 
safeguarded Japan's national existence but has also insured the 
territorial integrity of China. In a word, it has set limits to Euro- 
pean encroachments in Eastern Asia and put in the hands of the 
Mongol peoples whose independence has been imperiled the 
shaping of their own lives and destinies. The entrance of these 
peoples, under the inspiring leadership of Japan, into the great 
family of free, self- governed, and progressive nations means the 
shifting of the center of gravity of the world. 29 

References. — In preparing the following list of books no attempt has 
been made to distinguish between primary and secondary authorities, for 
the reason that so many of the works dealing with the subject of this 
chapter are of a mixed character. 

Works of a general character: Morris, The History of Colonization; 
has a good bibliography. Ireland, Tropical Colonizatioti ; this also con- 
tains a list of books relating to the subject. Payne, E.tiropean Colonies. 
Reinsch, Colonial Government. Kidd, The Control of the Tropics. Bryce, 
The Relations of the Advanced and the Backward Races of Mankind. 

For the British Colonial Empire : Seeley, The Expansion of Eng- 
land. Egerton, A Short History of British Colonial Policy. Caldecott, 

27 May 28, 1905 ; the Russian fleet was commanded by Admiral Rojestvensky. 

28 The treaty was signed September 5, 1905. Among the important articles of this 
treaty are the following : (1) Permission to Japan to make Korea her ward; (2) the 
evacuation of Manchuria by both the Russians and the Japanese ; (3) the transfer 
to Japan by Russia of all her rights at Port Arthur and Dalny ; (4) the division of 
the Manchurian railway between Japan and Russia; (5) the cession by Russia to 
Japan of the southern part of the island of Saghalien. 

29 For the influence of the war upon Liberalism in Russia, see sec. 82. 



114 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

English Colonization and Empire. BOURINOT, Canada under British Rule, 
1760-1900. Jenks, History of the Australasian Colonies. Bryce, Impres- 
sions of South Africa. 

For Europe in Africa : Johnston, A History of the Colonization of 
Africa. Stanley, Through the Dark Continent and The Congo and the 
Founding of its Free State. Keltie, The Partition of Africa. Milner, 
England in Egypt. Hughes, Livingstone. Hill, Colonel Gordon in Central 
Africa. Cloete, The History of the Great Boer Trek; Cloete was the 
English High Commissioner for Natal in 1 843-1 844. Paul Kruger, 
Memoirs. De Wet, Three Years'' War. 

For Russia in Asia: Kennan, Siberia and the Exile System. Hell- 
WALD, The Russians in Central Asia. CuRZON, Russia in Central Asia in 
i88q and the Anglo-Russian Question. Colquhoun, Russia against India ; 
the Struggle for Asia. Shoemaker, The Great Siberian Railway. Krausse, 
Russia in Asia. Norman, All the Russias. Skrine, The Expansion of 
Russia, 1815-igoo. HosiE, Manchuria, its People, Resources, and Recent 
History. 

For the problems of the Far East created by the European expansion 
movement : China's Only Hope, by Chang Chih Tung, Viceroy of Liang 
Hi. This has been pronounced by high authority " one of the most remark- 
able books, if not the most remarkable book, written by a Chinese during 
the past six hundred years." Okakura-Kakuzo, The Awakening offapan. 
Asakawa, The Russofapanese Conflict. Curzon, Problems of the Far 
East. Mahan, The Problem of Asia. Leroy-Beaulieu, The Awakening 
of the East. Colquhoun, China in Transformation and The Mastery of 
the Pacific. Reinsch, World Politics at the End of the Nineteenth Century 
as Infliienced by the Oriental Situation. 

Topics for Class Reports. — 1. Resume of the history of the lost 
colonial empires of the earlier Modern Age. 2. Livingstone and Stanley. 
3. Founding of the Congo Free State. 4. The establishment of the Com- 
monwealth of Australia. 5. The storage dam at the First Cataract of the 
Nile. 6. The Cape-to-Cairo Railroad. 7. France in Algeria. 8. Germany 
in Western Asia. 9. The Trans-Siberian Railway. 10. Asia for the 
Asiatics. 



CHAPTER X 
THE WORLD STATE 

Unconquerable time itself works on unceasingly, bringing the nations nearer 
to one another, awakening the universal consciousness of the community of man- 
kind ; and this is the natural preparation for a common organization of the world — 
Bluntschli. 

For I dipt into the future, far as human eye could see, 

Saw a Vision of the world, and all the wonder that would be ; 

Till the war-drum throbb'd no longer, and the battle-flags were furl'd 
In the Parliament of Man, the Federation of the World.— Tennyson. 

i io. Introductory. — In the opening paragraph of his suggest- 
ive work, The Expansion of England, Professor Seeley uses 
these words : " It is a favorite maxim of mine that history, while 
it should be scientific in its method, should pursue a practical 
object. That is, it should not merely gratify the reader's curiosity 
about the past, but modify his view of the present and his fore- 
cast of the future. Now if this maxim be sound, the history of 
England ought to end with something that might be called a 
moral. Some large conclusion ought to arise out of it ; it ought 
to exhibit the general tendency of English affairs in such a way 
as to set us thinking about the future and divining the destiny 
which is reserved for us." 

The inspiring destiny for England which Professor Seeley reads 
in her past and present history is Imperial Federation, that is, a 
great federal union embracing the mother land and her colonies, 
organized after the model of the United States of America. 

Professor Seeley's maxim must needs be applied to universal 
history if its study is to issue in anything really worthy and prac- 
tical. We must try to discover the tendency of the historic evolu- 
tion, to discern the set of the current of world events, and to 
divine the destiny reserved for the human race. Only thus shall 

"5 



Il6 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

we be able to form practical ideals for humanity and strive intelli- 
gently and hopefully for their realization. 

The destiny of the human race, as plainly disclosed in its past 
history, is not disunion but union, not perpetual warfare but per- 
petual peace. The drift of history from the beginning has been 
toward a federated world, a world organized for common effort 
and common accomplishment. 

in. From the Clan State to the Federal State. — There is no 
tendency in universal history, broadly viewed, more manifest than 
this tendency towards world unity. In the beginning the largest 
independent group was the clan or tribe. Then came the wider 
union of the city-state as we find it in Babylonia and Syria, and 
in Greece and Italy, at the dawn of history. For upwards of two 
thousand years the city-state was the ultimate political unit in 
the civilized world of the Mediterranean. Then, — if we disre- 
gard purely artificial unions, unions created and maintained by 
force, such as the Roman Empire, — then came the nation states 
of modern times, which, since the break-up of the Roman Empire, 
have been slowly created through the consolidation of tribes, 
cities, and petty principalities. 

And just now among these great nation states a state of a new 
type has arisen, — the federal state, of which our Union, consist- 
ing of forty-five states, is the model. Constituted " in the image 
and likeness " of this are the Dominion of Canada, the Common- 
wealth of Australia, the Swiss Confederation, and the new German 
Empire. So characteristic a feature, indeed, of the political life 
of the present is this federation movement that ours has been 
called the Federal Age. " One of the most striking tendencies of 
the last century," writes Professor Albert Bushnell Hart, "has 
been the development of federal government in Europe and 
America." " The aspect of the whole world," writes Parkin, the 
author of Imperial Federation, " irresistibly suggests the thought 
that we are passing from a nation epoch to a federation epoch." 

The significant thing about this federal movement is that the 
natural and logical issue of national federalism is international 
federalism, The United States of America foreshadows the United 



PREREQUISITES OF THE WORLD UNION n; 

States of Europe. The obstacles in the way of such a federation 
of the European nations are not so great as those which, scarcely 
more than a generation ago, seemed to render chimerical all 
attempts to build up unified nations out of the discordant ele- 
ments existing in Italy and in Germany. The creation of the 
United States of Europe is a light task compared with the crea- 
tion of the modern European nations out of the mediaeval chaos 
of warring tribes, cities, and feudal principalities. To doubt that 
the work of organization, so far advanced, will stop short of full 
accomplishment in the formation of the larger European union, 
which alone can give real worth and meaning to the narrower 
national unions, is to doubt that the great tendencies in history 
are toward any ascertainable and reasonable goal. 

112. Preparations in Different Domains for the World State. — 
The success which has attended the application of the federal 
principle to wide unions of states, like that of the United States, 
creates a reasonable hope that the same principle will be found 
capable of uniting in a great federation all the nations of the 
earth. And, in truth, during the last century, in different realms, 
the prerequisites of such a world union have been supplied by 
humanity's advance and achievements. 

In the political realm all that the age spirit has accomplished 
would seem to have for its ultimate aim the preparing of the way 
for international federation. More than a century ago Immanuel 
Kant, in his essay on Perpetual Peace, affirmed that a prerequisite 
for the federation of the world was the establishment by all the 
nations of representative government. If we recall what the union 
of the autocratic governments of Europe in the Holy Alliance 
meant (sec. 4), we shall understand why Kant made the estab- 
lishment of free popular institutions within the different nations 
an indispensable prerequisite of the world union. A world union 
of despotic governments would be the tomb of liberty, individual 
and national, — a world-wide Russian despotism. 

When Kant wrote his plea for peace, autocratic government 
prevailed almost everywhere in Europe ; in England alone was 
there the semblance of a representative constitution. We have 



Il8 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

seen how, during the century which has passed since then, the 
Democratic Revolution has established representative government 
in all the Christian states of Europe save Russia (sec. 82). 
Furthermore, in all the really vital nations and communities out- 
side of Europe — in the United States, in Canada, in Australia, 
in Japan — the management of public affairs is in the hands of 
the people. Thus has the first prerequisite of the formation of the 
universal state been supplied in the case of almost all the great 
nations and communities of the civilized world. 

A second significant preparation in the political realm for the 
world union is federalism. This supplies the principle which may 
be applied to the organization of the world without danger to 
the principle of local autonomy and legitimate national freedom ; 
for it deprives the uniting states, as exemplified in our own Union, 
of nothing save that "lawless freedom" which they now use to 
do one another hurt and harm. 

While the basis of a world state has thus been laid in the politi- 
cal domain through the incoming of democracy and federalism, 
an equally important preparation for the permanent organization 
of the world has been made in the moral realm. Throughout the 
last century the sentiment of the brotherhood of man has been 
greatly deepened and strengthened. There has been growing up, 
too, a new social conscience which recognizes the universality of 
the moral law, which recognizes that it is a law as binding upon 
nations as upon individuals. These new moral feelings constitute 
a force which is working irresistibly in the interests of a world 
union based on international amity and good will. 

It is most significant that at the same time that these move- 
ments towards world unity have characterized progress in the 
political and moral realms, wonderful discoveries, inventions, and 
developments in the physical domain, — the steam railway, the 
steamship, the telegraph, the telephone, wireless telegraphy, and 
a hundred others, — through the practical annihilation of time 
and space, have brought the once isolated nations close alongside 
one another and have made easily possible, in truth made neces- 
sary and inevitable, the formation of the world union. 



PEACE CONFERENCE AT THE HAGUE 119 

113. The Interparliamentary Union. — One of the most impor- 
tant of the agencies at work for international organization is what 
is known as the Interparliamentary Union. This is an association 
made up exclusively of members of national legislatures or parlia- 
ments. Its membership now numbers more than two thousand. 
Because of the noble character of the men composing this inter- 
national society, as well as because of their connection with the 
practical work of legislation in the different states, this body is 
the most influential of the agencies now working for the organiza- 
tion of the world. 

114. The International Peace Conference at The Hague and the 
Establishment of the International Court of Arbitration (1899). — 
Already more has been accomplished in the way of the actual 
creation of the machinery of a world state than is generally 
realized. Just as the nineteenth century was closing the Tsar 
Nicholas surprised the world by proposing to all the governments 
having representatives at the Russian court the meeting of a con- 
ference " to consider means of insuring the general peace of the 
world and of putting a limit to the progressive increase of arma- 
ments which weigh upon all nations." 

All the governments addressed accepted the proposal, and in 
1899 the Convention met at The Hague in the Netherlands. The 
most important outcome of the deliberations of the body was the 
establishment of a permanent International Court of Arbitration 
to which all nations may have recourse for the settlement of 
interstate disputes. 

The formation of this International Court is a most noteworthy 
event. In the words of a recent writer, " It may be possible that 
looking back a hundred years from now it will be seen that its 
establishment was the most important single event of modern 
times." Andrew Carnegie, recognizing the import of the work 
of the Convention for the peace of the world, has made a gift of 
$1,500,000 for the erection at The Hague of a permanent home 
for the Court, — what is to be known as " The Temple of Peace." 

Since the establishment of the Court several cases have been 
referred to it and amicably settled. Many of the leading nations 



120 



NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 



have already bound themselves 




Fig. 1 8. — "The Christ of the 
Andes." 1 (From a photograph ; 
courtesy of Senora Carolina 
Hudidobro) 

" Sooner shall these mountains crumble 
into dust than Argentines and Chilians 
break the peace which at the feet of 
Christ the Redeemer they have sworn 
to maintain." — Inscription on Monu- 
ment 



by treaties to refer to the Court 
all controversies of a specified 
character arising between them. 

The creation of this Inter- 
national Court of Arbitration 
brings measurably nearer the 
time when the barbarous wager 
of battle between nations shall 
have become such a tradition 
of an outgrown past as is now 
the old wager of battle between 
individuals. 

115. The Call for a Second 
International Conference and the 
Proposed Creation of a Stated 
World Congress or Parliament. 
A Supreme Court of the nations 
having been established, the 
next step in the organization of 
the world is the formation of an 
International Legislature. This 
step is already being taken. 
The Interparliamentary Union, 
at its meeting held at St. Louis 
in the fall of 1904, passed a 
resolution requesting the gov- 
ernments of the different 
nations to send representatives 
to a second international con- 
ference, and asking that at such 



1 In 1903 the South American republics of Chile and Argentina, having happily 
settled by arbitration a long-standing boundary controversy which threatened to in- 
volve the two countries in war, mutually bound themselves by treaty to reduce their 
military and naval armaments and for a stated period to submit every matter of dis- 
pute arising between them to arbitration. Upon one of the highest boundary ranges 
of the Andes the two nations have erected a colossal bronze statue of Christ as the 
sacred guardian of the peace to which they are pledged. The statue was unveiled 
March 13, 1904. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY I2 i 

conference there be considered among other matters " the advis- 
ability of establishing an International Congress to convene peri- 
odically for the discussion of international questions." 

The President of the United States was requested by the Union 
to invite the governments of the world to send delegates to such 
a conference. He at once complied with the request (October, 
1904). The invitations met with cordial responses from all the 
governments addressed. The assembling of the conference will 
probably take place some time during the present year (1906). 

It is earnestly to be hoped that the deliberations of the proposed 
meeting may result in the establishment of an international Con- 
gress, necessarily with only advisory powers at first, but which, 
like the Congress of our Confederation of 1781, may in due time 
grow into a true Legislature, or Parliament, competent to deal 
with all affairs of international concern. If such should be the 
outcome of this projected conference, then will the second great 
step have been taken in the formation of the World State, and 
hopeful advance made in the establishment among the nations of 
the conditions of permanent peace. And only thus can these 
conditions be established, because " for states in their relations 
to one another there can be, according to reason, no other way 
out of the lawless condition which inevitably results in war than 
that they give up their lawless freedom, just as individual men do, 
accommodate themselves to public constraining laws, and so form 
an international state (civitas gentium) which will grow and at 
last embrace all the peoples of the earth." 2 

References. — Bluntschli, The Theory of the State, bk. i, chap. ii. 
Seeley, The Expansion of England. Kant, Perpetual Peace. Jean de 
Bloch, The Future of War, being the sixth volume of the author's 
extended work under this same title. Parkin, Imperial Federation. 
Trueblood, The Federation of the World. Mead, A Primer of the 
Peace Movement. Hart, An Introduction to the Study of Federal Govern- 
ment. FlSKE, American Political Ideas. Sumner, Addresses on War. 
Foster, Arbitration and The Hague Court. Holls, The Peace Conference 
at The Hague. Tolstoi, War and Peace and Letter on the Rtisso- 
fapanese War. Baroness von Suttner, Lay Down Your Arms. 
Bridgman, World Organization. 

2 Immanuel Kant, Perpetual Peace. 



CONCLUSION 
THE NEW AGE: INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY 

116. The Age of Material Progress, or the Industrial Age. — 

History has been well likened to a grand dissolving view. While 
one age is passing away another is coming into prominence. 
Before the movement in the political realm which we have been 
following, and which is creating free self-directing nations and 
organizing them in a world-wide union, has yet reached its con- 
summation, the scene is already shifting. During the last hundred 
years the features of a new age have distinctly appeared. A new 
movement of human society has begun. Civilization has fairly 
entered upon what may be called the Industrial Age, or the Age 
of Material Progress. 

This age may be conceived as having had its beginnings in the 
industrial revolution brought in by the invention in the latter part 
of the eighteenth century of the spinning jenny, the power loom, 
and the steam engine. In the decade between 1830 and 1840 
the industrial development thus initiated received a great impulse 
through the bringing to practical perfection of the earlier inven- 
tions and by new discoveries and fresh inventions. Prominent 
among these were the steam railway, the electric telegraph, and 
the ocean steamship. In the year 1830 Stephenson exhibited the 
first really successful locomotive. In 1836 Morse perfected the 
telegraph. In 1838 ocean steamship navigation was first practi- 
cally solved. 1 

These and other inventions which have grown out of them have 
brought about momentous changes in the social and the political 

1 These inventions may be compared, in their relations to the new industrial age, 
to the three great inventions or discoveries, namely, printing, gunpowder, and the 
mariner's compass, which ushered in the Modern Age. 

1 22 



THE LABOR PROBLEM 123 

world. 2 But it is only the revolution which they have wrought in 
the industrial domain to which we would now direct attention. 
And the significant fact for us here to note is that through the 
application of these inventions to the processes of manufacture 
and to the thousand other industries and activities of mankind 
the productive forces of society have been almost incalculably 
increased. Probably more things contributive to human well-being 
can now be produced in a single day than were produced in ten 
or twenty days at the opening of the century. In some important 
branches of manufacture the productive power of the workman, 
aided by machinery, has been increased a hundred and even a 
thousand fold. 

The history of this age of industry, so different from any pre- 
ceding age, cannot yet be written, for no one can tell whether 
the epoch is just opening or is already well advanced. 3 We shall 
have finished the task seTt ourselves when we have merely stated 
the leading problem which this remarkable industrial develop- 
ment has created, and indicated the solution of that problem 
which the Socialists have proposed. 

117. The Labor Problem. — Beyond controversy the great prob- 
lem of the epoch, one involving many others, is the so-called 
Labor Problem. This, plainly stated, is, How are the products 
of the world's industry to be equitably distributed ? 

The condition of things is this. Through the employment of 
the forces of nature and the use of improved machinery, economic 

2 Thus, for illustration, the increased facilities for travel, by bringing men together 
and familiarizing them with new scenes and different forms of society and belief, are 
making them more liberal and tolerant. Still again, by the virtual annihilation of 
time and space, governmental problems are being solved. As: we have just seen, a 
chief difficulty in maintaining a federation of states widely separated has already 
been removed and such extended territories as those of the United States have been 
made practically as compact as the most closely consolidated European state. 

8 It may well be that we have already seen the greatest surprises of the age, so far 
as great inventions and discoveries are concerned, and that the epoch is nearing its 
culmination. " It is probable," says Professor Richard T. Ely, " that as we, after more 
than two thousand years, look back upon the time of Pericles with wonder and aston- 
ishment, as an epoch great in art and literature, posterity two thousand years hence 
will regard our era as forming an admirable and unparalleled epoch in the history of 
industrial invention" {French and German Socialism in Modern Times). 



124 NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORY 

goods, that is, products adapted to meet the physical wants of 
men, can be produced in almost unlimited quantities. But this 
increase in society's productive power has brought little or 
no corresponding augmentation of material well-being to the 
laboring classes. Owing to some defect in our industrial system 
a few secure a disproportionate share of its benefits. 4 Great 
monopolies or trusts are created and fabulous fortunes are amassed 
by a few fortunate individuals, while perhaps the majority of the 
laborers for wages, with their toil lightened comparatively little 
or not at all, receive almost nothing beyond the means of narrow 
and bare subsistence. 

This inequitable distribution of wealth, of material well-being, 
this practical exclusion of the masses from the greater part of 
the benefits and enjoyments of modern civilization, is creating 
everywhere the most dangerous discontent among the laboring 
classes and is awakening among philanthropists and statesmen 
the greatest solicitude and apprehension. 

118. Socialism, or Social Democracy. — The proposed solution 
of the problem which has awakened most thought and created 
most debate is that offered by the Socialists, or Social Democrats. 
Justus our own government — state, city, or national — now owns 
schoolhouses and controls education, owns and conducts the post 
office, municipal water works, and other public utilities, so would 
the Socialists have the government by the gradual extension of 
its functions come into possession of the railways, the telegraph, 5 
the mines, mills, factories, the land, — in a word, of all the means 
of production, of all those things upon which or in connection 
with which human labor is spent in order to satisfy human wants 
and to meet human desires. 

4 According to a recent estimate 125,000 families of the wealthy class in the United 
States hold $33,000,000,000 of the total wealth of the nation, while 5,500,000 families 
of the poorer class possess only $800,000,000. To put it in another way, in every one 
hundred families of the nation one family holds more than the remaining ninety-nine. 
Nearly half the families of the nation are classed as " propertyless," that is, as having 
nothing save clothing and household furniture. See Spahr, An Essay on the Present 
Distribution of Wealth in the United States (1896), p. 69. 

5 In many of the countries of Europe the railways and the telegraph are already 
largely in the hands of the government. 



SOCIALISM, OR SOCIAL DEMOCRACY 125 

The Socialists maintain that only under such a system as this 
— which would do away with the wage system and with private 
capital, though not with private property — can the present 
exploitation of labor by capital be made impossible and every 
man be secured reasonable participation in the benefits of the gifts 
of nature and of the new inventions and discoveries which are 
rendering nature with all her mighty forces man's willing servant. 

Socialists lay great emphasis on this, namely, that what they 
propose is in line and harmony with the great historic move- 
ments of the past centuries. They maintain that the democra- 
tization of wealth 6 is the logical issue of the democratization of 
knowledge, of religion, and of government by the Renaissance, 
the Reformation, and the Democratic Revolution. For them the 
coming Industrial Revolution 7 is the next and necessary phase 
of the progressive course of civilization. 

6 It should'be carefully noted that democracy in wealth does not mean communism, 
which denies individual rights in property, any more than democracy in religion 
means atheism, or democracy in politics, anarchy. It simply looks to such a reform 
of the present economic system as shall secure to every man an equitable proportion 
of the material goods which his labor helps to create, or " an apportionment of well- 
being according to labor performed." 

7 It will be noted that to the term " Industrial Revolution," as used by the Social- 
ists, there attaches a wholly different meaning from that which it carries when used 
by the political economists. What the latter call the " Industrial Revolution " is to 
the Socialist only an antecedent of the real Revolution, which is still to come. 



GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY 



Containing the full titles of works referred to, arranged alphabetically, according 
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127 



128 GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY 

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Translations and Reprints. Department of History of the University of Penn. 



INDEX AND PRONOUNCING VOCABULARY 



Note. — In the case of words whose correct pronunciation has not 
seemed to be clearly indicated by their accentuation and syllabication, the 
sounds of the letters have been denoted thus : a, like a in gray ; a, like a, 
only less prolonged; a, like a in have; a, like a in far ; a, like a in all; e 
like eem. meet ; e, like e, only less prolonged; e, like e mend; e, like e in 
there; e, like e in err; I, like i in pine ; 1, like i in pin ; 5, like o in «<?^; 
o, like o, only less prolonged ; 6, like o in not ; 6, like in drb ; 00, like <w 
in moon; u,_like */ in use ; ii, like the French u ; c and ch, like k; 9, like s; 
g, like ^- m get; g, like/; s, like z; ch, as in German ach ; g, small capital, 
as in German Hamhirg; h, like ni in minion ; ri denotes the nasal sound 
in French, being similar to ng in song. 



Ab-ys-sin'i-a, 101 n. 18. 

Ad-ri-an-o'ple, Treaty of, 77. 

Afghan War, first, 94; second, 94 
n. 10. 

Af-ghan-is-tan', 94 n. 10. 

Africa, Stanley in, 89 ; partition of, 
91 ; English in, 96-99 ; French in, 
100; Germans in, 103. 

Alexander I, Tsar, in Holy Alliance, 
7; as liberal and as reactionist, 
76 ; II, emancipates serfs, 79 ; as- 
sassinated, 84 n. 1 1 ; III, 84 n. 1 1. 

Algeria, 100. 

Al-sace' (Ger. Elsass), ceded to Ger- 
many, 16; question of, in France, 
17, 68. 

An-a-to'li-an Railway, 103. 

Assuan (as-swan'), 100. 

Ausgleich (ous'glich), 72. 

Australasia, 93 n. 8. 

Australia, Commonwealth of, 93. 

Austria, gains at Congress of Vienna, 
4 ; in Holy Alliance, 7 ; Italian 
interests of, 40-50; German in- 
terests of, 55-63 ; in Austro-Hun- 
garian monarchy, 72—75. 

Austria-Hungary since 1866, 72-75. 

Austro-Prussian War, 62, 63. 

Austro-Sardinian War, 47, 48. 

Ba-zaine', Marshal, 16. 
Belgium, in kingdom of Netherlands, 
4 ; independent kingdom, 12. 



Benedetti (ba-na-det'te), 65. 
Berlin' (Ger. pron. ber-len'), Treaty 

of, 81. 
Bernadotte (ber'na-dot), king of 

Sweden, 4 n. 3. 
Bes-sa-ra'bi-a, ceded to Russia by 

Treaty of Berlin, 82. 
Beust (boist), Count, 72. 
Bis'marck, Otto von, 60-70. 
Boers (boors), the, 96-97. 
Bos'ni-a, revolt in, 81 ; administered 

by Austria-Hungary, 82. 
Botany Bay, 93. 
Bourbon, House of, restored in 

Naples, 3; heirs expelled from 

France, 18 ; in Spain, 35. 
Brazil, Portuguese royal family flee 

to, 36 n. 2 ; empire of, 36 n. 2 ; 

republic of, 36 n. 2. 
Bright, John, 23 n. 1. 
British Empire in India, 94, 95. 
Budapest, 72. 
Bulgaria, 82 n. 8. 
Byron, Lord, 76 n. 1. 

Cam-bo'di-a, 101. 

Campagna (kam-pan'ya), 53. 

Canada, Dominion of, 91. 

Cape Colony, 96. 

Cape-to-Cairo Railway, 98. 

Car-bo-na'ri, 41. 

Carnegie (car-na'gie), Andrew, 119. 

Carnot (kar-no'), Sadi, 17 n. 10. 



133 



134 INDEX AND PRONOUNCING VOCABULARY 



Casimir-Perier (kaz-i-meV pa-rya'), 

17 n. 10. 
Castelar (kas-ta-lar'), Emilio, 39. 
Catholic Emancipation Act, 28. 
Cavour (ka-voor'), Count, 45, 46, 47, 

48, 49. 
Cawn-pur', 95 n. 12. 
Cenis (se-ne'), Mont, tunnel, 47. 
Charles Albert, king of Sardinia, 

44, 45- 

Charles Felix, king of Sardinia, 42. 

Charles X, king of France, 11. 

Chartism, 24. 

China, question of partition of, 107; 
war with Japan, 109 ; in process 
of dismemberment, no; Boxer 
uprising, in. 

Christian IX, king of Denmark, 62. 

Cobden, Richard, 23 n. 1. 

Colonization, European, 86-89. See 
national titles, such as English 
Colonies. 

Communists, Paris, 16. 

Congo Free State, 90 n. 4. 

Constitutions: Austria (1849), 59! 
(1867), 73; France (1848), 13; 
(1851), 14; (1875), J 7; Hungary 
(1867), 73; Norway (1814), 5; 
Netherlands (1S14), 5; Poland 
(1815), 77; Portugal (1820), 36 
n. 2 ; Prussia (1850), 59; Sardinia 
(1848), 44; Spain (1812), 35; 
(1837), 39; (1875), 39; Switzer- 
Iand(i8i5), 5 ; Two Sicilies (1820), 
41. 

Cook, James, Captain, 93. 

Corn Laws repealed, 23 n. 1. 

Corporation Act repealed, 27. 

Council, Vatican, 51 n. 5. 

Coup d'etat (koo-da-ta/) of Decem- 
ber 2, 1 8 5 1 , 14. 

Court of Arbitration, International, 
119. 

Crimea, war in, 78. 

Customs Union, German, 58. 

Cyprus, ceded to England, 82. 

Czechs (chechs or cheks), 74. 

Denmark, loses Norway, 4 n. 3 ; 
in Schleswig-Holstein War, 62. 

Derby, Earl of, 25. 

Disestablishment, in Ireland, 28-30 ; 
proposed in England and Scot- 
land, 30. 



Disraeli (diz-raTi), 29. 
Distribution of wealth in the United 

States, 124 n. 4. 
Dreibimd (dri'boont), 69. 
Dreyfus (dri'fus ; Fr. pron. dra-fiis'), 

Alfred, 19 n. 1 1 . 
Dutch colonies, at the Cape, 96, 97 ; 

in East Indies, 96 n. 13. 

East India Company, English, 95. 

Eastern Rumelia (roo-me'lia), 82 n. 8. 

Edict of Emancipation in Russia, 
79, 80. 

Education, English acts, 23 n. 1, 
question in France, 18. 

Egypt, England in, 98-100. 

England since Waterloo, 20-34. 

English colonies of nineteenth cen- 
tury, 91-100. 

Equality, principle of, 1. 

Eritrea (a-re-tra'a), 101 n. 18. 

Eugenie (e-zha-ne'), Empress, 15. 

Factory Act, English, 23 n. 1. 
Faure (for), Felix, 17 n. 10. 
Federalism, 118. 
Ferdinand I, Emperor of Austria, 

59- 

Ferdinand VII, king of Spain, ac- 
cession, 35 ; reign, 37. 

Ferdinand IV, king of Naples, as 
Ferdinand I, king of the Two 
Sicilies, 41. 

Finland, Russianization of, 84. 

For-mo'sa, no. 

France since Waterloo, 10-19. 

Francis II, king of Two Sicilies, 
48. 

Francis Joseph, Emperor of Austria, 
accession, 59 ; makes Peace of 
Villafranca, 47 ; of Prague, 63 ; 
grants reforms to Hungary, 72 ; 
popularity of, 74. 

Franco-Prussian War, 15-17, 64- 
68. 

Frankfort (Ger. Frankfurt), Con- 
stituent Assembly at, 60 n. 3 ; 
annexed to Prussia, 64. 

Frederick VII, king of Denmark, 
62. 

Frederick William IV, king of Prus- 
sia, grants Constitution, 59. 

French colonies at close of nine- 
teenth century, 100-102. 



INDEX AND PRONOUNCING VOCABULARY 



135 



Garibaldi (ga-re-bal'de), sketch of 
life, 46; in Sicily and Naples, 
48, 49. 

German colonies, 102-104. 

German Confederation, 55—57. 

German Empire, New, formed, 66, 
67 ; recent history of, 68-70. 

Germany, reorganized by Congress 
of Vienna, 5 ; Confederation, 55- 
57 ; Customs Union, 58 ; Revolu- 
tion of 1848 in, 58, 59; North 
German Confederation, 64, 65 ; 
German Empire formed, 66, 67. 
See German Empire, New. 

Gladstone, William Ewart, Reform 
Bill of 1884, 25 ; disestablishment 
of Irish Church, 28 ; Irish Home 
Rule, 31 ; death, 32. 

Gordon, Charles George, general, 99. 

Gravelotte (grav-lof), battle of, 16. 

Greece since 1864, 77 n. 2. 

Greek Independence, War of, 76 
n. 1. 

Grevy (gra-ve'), 17 n. 10. 

Guizot (ge-zo'), 13. 

Hague (hag), The, 119. 
Hanover, Prussia annexes, 64. 
Hav'e-lock, Henry, 95 n. 12. 
Herzegovina (hert-se-go-ve'na), re- 
volt in, 81 ; administered by 

Austria-Hungary, 82. 
Hesse-Cassel (hes'kas'el), annexed 

to Prussia, 64. 
Hesse-Darmstadt (hes'darm'stat), 

64. 
Holland. See Netherlands. 
Holstein (hols'stin), duchy of, 62; 

annexed to Prussia, 64. 
Holy Alliance, 7. 
Home Rule, Irish, 31, 32. 
Humbert I, king of Italy, 50 n. 4. 
Hungary, Revolution of 1848 in, 

59 n. 1 ; in Austro-Hungarian 

monarchy, 72-75. 

Industrial Democracy, 122-125. 
Inquisition, the, in Spanish colonies, 

37- 

Ionian Islands ceded to Greece, 77 
n. 2. 

Ireland, disestablishment of Church 
in, 28, 29 ; the Union, 30 ; in nine- 
teenth century, 30-34. 



Italy, at Congress of Vienna, 5, 40 ; 
since Congress of Vienna, 40-54 ; 
kingdom of, formed, 48, 49 ; Italia 
irredenta, 50 n. 2 ; relations of 
kingdom of, with Papacy, 51-53. 

Japan, awakening of, 108 ; war with 
China, 109-110; the imperial re- 
galia, 108 n. 28; war with Russia, 
m-113. 

Java, 95 n. 14. 

Jesuits, Society of the, expelled 
from France, 18. 

Jews, political disabilities removed 
in England, 28. 

John VI, king of Portugal, 36 n. 2. 

Kant, Immanuel, quoted, 117. 
Khar-turn 7 , 99. 
Khedive (ka'dev"), 99. 
Kiau-chau (kyow-chow), 104, no. 
Kiel (kel), Treaty of, 4 n. 3. 
Kitchener, Lord, 99. 
Konieh (ko'ne-e), 103. 
Koniggratz (ke'nig-grets), battle of, 

63- 
Ko-re'a, 109, no, 112. 
Kossuth (kosh'oot), Louis, 59 n. I. 
Kriig'er, Paul, 97. 

Kulturkampf (kool-tbor'kampf), 69. 
Ku-ro-pat'kin, Russian general, 112. 
Kwang-chau-wan(kwang-chow-wan), 

no. 

Labor Problem, the, 123. 
Laibach (li'bach), Congress of , 36 n. 1 . 
Lamartine (la-mar-ten 7 ), 13. 
Leopold I, king of the Belgians, 

12 ; II, 90. 
Leopold of Hohenzollern, offered 

Spanish crown, 65. 
Les'seps, Ferdinand de, 18, 19. 
"Light Brigade," the, 79. 
Livingstone, David, 89. 
Local Government Act, England, 

26 n. 2 ; Scotland, 26 n. 2 ; Ire- 
land, 26 n. 2. 
Lombardy, ceded to Austria, 4 ; to 

Sardinia, 48. 
Lorraine, part of, ceded to German 

Empire, 16, 68. 
Loubet (loo-ba'), 17 n. 10. 
Louis XVIII, king of France, reign, 

10. 



136 INDEX AND PRONOUNCING VOCABULARY 



Louis Napoleon Bonaparte. See 

Napoleon III. 
Louis Philippe, king of the French, 

H-I3- 

Macedonia, 82 n. 9. 

MacMahon (mak-ma-oh'), Marshal, 
17 n. 10. 

Madagascar, French in, 101. 

Ma-gen'ta, battle of, 47. 

Magyars (mod'yorz"). See Hun- 
gary. 

Mahdi (ma'de), the, 99. 

Man-chu'ri-a, Chinese province, oc- 
cupied by Russia, 105. 

Marches, the, union with Sardinia, 
49. 

Mazzini (mat-se'ne), Joseph, 43, 44. 

Menelik, king of Abyssinia, 101 
n. 18. 

Met'ter-nich, Prince, at Congress of 
Vienna, 6; policy of, 6; inter- 
vention in Two Sicilies, 41, 42; 
influence in Germany, 57 ; over- 
throw of, 59. 

Mir, the Russian, 79 n. 5. 

Missolonghi (mis-so-long'ge), 76 
n. 1. 

M5'de-na, restoration in, 40; union 
with Sardinia, 48. 

Mol-da'vi-a, partial independence of, 
77 ; in Rumania, 82 n. 8. 

Molt'ke, Von, 63. 

Monroe Doctrine, 37, 38. 

Montenegro (mSn-te-na'gro), 82 n. 8. 

Morocco, 91. 

Municipal Reform Act, 24. 

Na'na Sa'hib, 95 n. 12. 

Naples, kingdom of, becomes part 

of the kingdom of Italy, 48, 49. 
Napoleon III, 13 n. 3 ; reign, 14-17. 
Nassau, annexed to Prussia, 64. 
Na-t'aT, 98. 

Nationality, principle of, 2. 
Navarino (na-va-re'no), battle of, 76 

n. 1. 
Netherlands, the, kingdom of, 

formed, 4. 
Netherlands, Austrian, Catholic, 

Spanish. See Belgium. 
New Holland, 93 n. 8. 
New South Wales, 93. 
New Zealand, 93. 



Nice (nes), ceded to France, 47. 
Nicholas I, Tsar, 76-78 ; II, 84 ; 

calls the Peace Conference, 1 19. 
Nihilists, 82, 83. 
Nineteenth century, character of its 

history, 1, 2, 7, 8. 
N5'gi, Japanese general, 112 n. 25. 
North German Confederation, 64. 
Norway, 4 n. 3. 
No-va'ra, battle of, 45. 

O'Connell, Daniel, 31. 
Old Sa'rum, 22. 
Opium War, 94 n. 11. 
Orange Free State, 96, 97. 
Orange River Colony, 97. 
Otto, king of Greece, 77. 
Ottomans. See Turks. 
O-y'a'ma, Field Marshal, 112. 

Pamirs (pa-merz'), 105. 

Pa-na-ma' canal, 19. 

Papacy, end of temporal power of, 
51 ; relations with Italian gov- 
ernment, 51, 52; with German, 
69; infallibility of, 51 n. 5. See 
Popes. 

Papal States, revolutions in, 42 ; 
French garrison in, 50 ; annexa- 
tion to kingdom of Italy, 50. See 
Papacy. 

Paris, Peace of (1856), 79. 

Paris, siege of (1870), 67. 

Parish Councils Act, 26 n. 2. 

Peace Conference at The Hague, 
119. 

Pedro I, Emperor of Brazil, 36 n. 2. 

Peking', siege of embassies at, in. 

Perry, Commodore, 108. 

Persia, Russian interests in, 105. 

Philippines, United States in, 106 
n. 22. 

Piedmont. See Sardinia. 

Plev'na, siege of, 81. 

Poland, Russian kingdom of, 4 ; 
revolt in, 77. 

Popes : Pius IX, -5 ; death, 51 n. 7 ; 
Leo XIII, 51 n. 7 ; Pius X, 51 
n. 7. See Papacy. 

Popular sovereignty, principle of, 2. 

Port Arthur, ceded to Japan, no; 
leased to Russia, in ; fortified by 
Russia, 112; siege of, 112. 

Porto Rico, 106 n. 22. 



INDEX AND PRONOUNCING VOCABULARY 137 



Portugal, revolution of 1820, 36 n. 2. 

Prague (prag), Treaty of (1866), 63. 

Prussia, gains at Congress of Vienna, 
4 ; in Holy Alliance, 7 ; in Ger- 
manic Confederation, 55-57 ; in 
Customs Union, 58; Revolution 
of 1848 in, 59 ; war with Denmark, 
62 ; with Austria, 62, 64 ; with 
France, 15-17, 64-66; forms 
North German Confederation, 
63 ; head of new German Empire, 
66-70. 

Quir'i-nal, the, 51 n. 6. 

Radetzky (ra-det'ske), 45. 

Reform Bill, English, of 1832, 22, 

23 ; of 1867, 25 ; of 1884, 25. 
Revolution, French, its principles, 
1, 2; of July, 1830, 11, 12; of 
February, 1848, 12, 13; Belgian, 
of 1830, 12; German, of 1830, 
57, 58; of 1848, 58-60; Italian, of 
1820, 41; of 1830, 42; of 1848, 
44, 45 ; Polish, of 1830, 77 ; Portu- 
guese, of 1820, 36 n. 2 ; Spanish, 
of 1820, 35, 36. 
Rhodes, Cecil, 98. 
Roberts, Lord, 97. 
Romagna (ro-man'ya), the, united 

with the Sardinian kingdom, 48. 
Roman Republic, 45. 
Rome, capital of Italy, 50. 
Rumania or Roumania (rdo-ma'ni-a), 

82 n. 8. 
Rumelia or Roumelia (roo-me'li-a), 

Eastern, 82 n. 8. 
Russia, gains at Congress of Vienna, 
4 ; in Holy Alliance, 7 ; since 
French Revolution, 76-85 ; Asiatic 
expansion of, 104-106. 
Russo-Japanese War, 111-113. 
Russo-Turkish War, of 1828-1829, 
76; of 1 877-1878, 80-82. 

Sadowa (s'a'do-va), battle of, 6t,. 
Salisbury (salz".d-ri), Marquis of, 

33- 

San Marino (ma-re'no), 40. 

San Stef'a-nS, Treaty of, 82 n. 7. 

Sardinia, kingdom of, revolution of 
1820 in, 42; of 1848, 44, 45; in 
Crimean War, 46; war with 
Austria, 47, 48; annexations of 



territory, 48, 49; becomes king- 
dom of Italy, 49. 
Savoy, ceded to France, 47. 
Saxony, part ceded to Prussia, 4. 
Schleswig (shlas'viG) or Sleswick, 
duchy of, 61 ; annexed to Prussia, 
64. 
Schleswig-Holstein War, 62. 
Sedan (se-dori'), battle of, 16. 
Seeley, Professor J. R., quoted, 115. 
Sen-e-gal', 101. 
Sepoy Mutiny, 95. 
Serfs, Russia emancipates, 79. 
Servia, independence of, 82 n. 8. 
Se-vas'tS-pSl, siege of, 79. 
Seven Weeks' War, 62, 63. 
Siberia, 106. 
Sicily, kingdom of. See Naples, 

kingdom of. 
Slavery abolished in English col- 
onies, 23 n. 1. 
Social Democrats, German, 70 n. 10. 
Socialism of to-day, 70 n. 10, 124, 

125. 
Solferino (sol-fe-re'no), battle of, 47. 
Spain since 181 5, 35-39. 
Spanish-American War, 106 n. 22. 
Spanish colonies, Spain loses her 
continental American depend- 
encies, 36-38 ; loses her insular 
possessions, 39. 
Stanley, Henry M., 89. 
Stephenson, George, 122. 
Stoessel (stes'sel), Russian general, 

122 n. 25. 
Sudan (soo-dan'), 99, 101. 
Suez Canal, 18. 

Sweden, union with Norway, 4 n. 3. 
Swiss Confederation as a federal 

state, 67 n. 7, 116. 
Switzerland. See Swiss Confeder- 
ation. 
Sybel (se'bel), quoted, 60. 

Terrorism in Russia, 84. 

Test Act, repealed, 27. 

Thessaly, yy n. 2. 

Thiers (tyer), 16, 17. 

Tiberine Republic of 1848, 45. 

Tim-buk'tu, 101. 

Todleben (tot'la-ben), 79. 

T5'go, Japanese admiral, 112 n. 25. 

Tories, the party of conservatism, 23. 

Trans-Siberian Railway, 105. 



138 INDEX AND PRONOUNCING VOCABULARY 



Transvaal, the, 96, 97 ; becomes 
Transvaal Colony, 97. 

Trek, The Great, 96. 

Trieste (tre-est'), 75. 

Triple Alliance of 1882, 69. 

Troppau (trop'pou), Congress of, 
3611. 1. 

Tunis, French protectorate, 100. 

Turks, Ottoman, wars with Greece, 
76 n. 1 ; with Russia (1 828-1 829), 
76, 77; (1853-1856), 78, 79; 
(1877-1878), 80-82. 

Tuscany, union with Sardinia, 48. 

Two Sicilies. See A r aples, king- 
dom of. 

Uitlanders (oit'land-erz), 97. 
Umbria, union with Sardinia, 49. 
Union (parliamentary) of England 

with Ireland, 30. 
Union, the Interparliamentary, 119. 
United States, Monroe Doctrine, 

37-38; expansion of, 106-107. 

Ve-ne'tia becomes part of the new 
kingdom of Italy (1866), 49. 



Verona (va-r5'na), Congress of, 36 
n. 1. 

Victor Emmanuel I, king of Sar- 
dinia, reactionary policy of, 41 ; 
abdication of, 42 ; II, 45 ; king of 
Italy, 48, 49 ; III, 50 n. 4. 

Vienna (vi-en'a), Congress of, 2-6. 

Villafranca (vel-la-frang'ka), Peace 
of, 47. 

Wallachia (wo-la'ki-a), partial inde- 
pendence of, 77 ; in kingdom of 
Rumania, 82 n. 8. 

Wei-hai-wei, no. 

Whigs, representatives of Liberal- 
ism, 23. 

William I, German Emperor, as 
king of Prussia, 60, 61, 65; Em- 
peror, 67 ; death, 69 ; II, 69, 70. 

Workshops, national, in France, 
13 n. 2. 

Wurtemberg (vurt'tem-berG), king- 
dom of, 67. 

Zambesi (zam-be'ze), river, 98. 
Zollverein (tsolTer-In"), 58. 



8 1906 



